This master's thesis deals with an analysis of the representation constructed in the songbook of the university sertanejo. Its objective is to investigate how the artists of this genre and the songbook created by them will express the socio-historical circumstances of the period in which it was produced. In this sense, we have, with regard to two objectives, to observe how the process of agricultural modernization started in the 20th century, the consolidation of agribusiness in the 21st century and the boom in commodities had aesthetic repercussions on the composition of two artists from this subgenre of country music. To achieve this objective, we discuss, in a chapter, the constitution of the research field of Sociology of music, where our work is located. In chapter two, we discuss the process of agricultural modernization in the 20th and 21st centuries. In chapter three, we will discuss the sertanejo genre, seeking to understand its history in the loss of its university variation. In the fourth, or central, chapter of this work, we propose a debate on the university sertanejo period with the songbook as the central object. Likewise, in this last section, a sociological analysis of the songs of this period is made in relation to the social context in which they were created.

The phenomenon of the homeless population has beenincreasing in Brazil, which can be
explained by a dynamic process of vulnerability, which may include detachment or
precarious inclusion in the labor market, daily violence (in various areas), associating to
individual physical or psychological conditions,which can lead to a break in family ties.
From this, the present dissertation aims to present some notes and characterizations about
the crossings between the homeless population and the Justice System (with greater
emphasis on Defenders and the police),presenting above all the understanding of the
homeless population Iin the streets, how these people access the various instances of the
Justice System and the possible institutional barriers facing these people. Therefore, we
seek to answer the research problem: what does justice mean for homeless people?
Seeking to answer this question, a qualitative methodology was adopted through
participant observation, with semi-structured interviews with beneficiaries of the Corra
pro Abraço Program, in the city of Salvador/BA. With a broad spectrum question, we
were able to observe and initiate a dialogue about a still incipient discussion, where it is
observed, through the eyes of homeless people, what the distancing of legal institutions
causes in their understanding of justice. It is concluded that justice is observed as
something "unpunished", "non-existent", "unfair" and "violent", being effective only for
those with high economic power. But also, it is concluded that it is through political
mobilization and access to information that effective access to justice begins to become
a possibility

In the work of Claus Offe, the concept of state selectivity plays a central role in his effort
to explain the functioning of contemporary capitalism, which would have been consolidated,
from the last century, according to the author, as different models of the Welfare State . In this
sense, the present work will seek to investigate, starting from an acceptance of the existence of
such a function of selectivity described by the German social scientist, whether this selectivity
of State institutions would operate, in fact, from an internal logic of political organization on
the way of production, or, rather, as a state imperative imposed by capitalist development in its
contemporary stage, having its origin, therefore, in the market mechanisms themselves. We
will start from the historical development of the relationship between political power and the
organization of the workforce, working then on the concept of selectivity. In a third moment,
we will analyze the actions of the contemporary State aimed at maintaining/expanding capital
accumulation rates. Finally, we will address the two main contemporary accumulation
paradigms, that is, Keynesianism and neoliberalism, their limits and the role of state actions in
the functioning of such models.

This research aims to understand the official discourse of the Temer Government about
the need for a fiscal balance in the Brazilian Social Security, to be sought through a new
reform of the system. In order to achieve this objective, we used the “exposição de
motivos” that accompanies the proposal for reform headed by the aforementioned
Government, the Proposal for Amendment to the Constitution nº 287 of 2016, and the
speeches given by government representatives of Ministries and Secretariats linked to
politics in the Special Committee of the Chamber of Deputies. The sources for
analyzing these speeches are available on the Chamber of Deputies' website, in video
format. After analyzing such speeches, it became clear that the basis of the argument
was based on economic and actuarial factors, and based on this conclusion, an analysis
of this governmental speech was constructed, contrasting it with another reality posed
by the same Government: the labor reform. Therefore, a documentary research was
carried out based on the analysis of the aforementioned documents, in addition to
resorting to other research already completed and which addressed the context of the
post-labor reform and its impacts on the economy and the generation of new jobs, in
addition to the conditions of these new jobs, thus directly reflecting the contribution to
Social Security. From the conjunction of the data collected by us with the data presented
by these other surveys, it was possible to confront not only the reality but also the
arguments moved above all in the proposal of the social security reform, seeking to
understand its capacity to sustain a lucid argument and that was in line with consonance
with reality. By doing this confrontation, it was possible to conclude that the mobilized
discourse is in disagreement with the discourse mobilized by the same Government
towards the reality of work, leaving bare many other gaps regarding the objectives that
the management claims to pursue, the problems that it aims to solve and the
methodology that intends to use for such a resolution. Looking more closely at the
whole context, it became clear that there were many private economic interests behind
the discussion, which actually concealed the true motivations for the proposal to be
made.

This research seeks to understand the meanings attributed to violent death and the (in)security
experienced by military police officers during off-duty periods. The study was carried out
within the scope of qualitative research, had institutional authorization for its realization and
interviewed professionals from the Military Police of the State of Bahia - PMBA. The field of
research included visits to the Department of Social Promotion and semi-directive interviews
carried out in Independent Military Police Companies, Emergency Care Unit, Specialized
Policing Command, Restaurant, Hospitals, Battalions and General Command. The study
mobilized conceptual and empirical lenses related to professional identity, police culture,
professional risk, the dynamics of violent deaths and hidden victims or survivors and their
processes of coping with grief. Some findings indicate: the existence of a state of professional
conformism and individual initiatives in the face of the violent death of off-duty police
officers; that the institutional support network for coping with police mourning is deficient;
the need to consider the meaning of police slack from the perspective of professionals; that
aspects of the police officers' immediate social and professional context contribute
significantly to a specific perception of security; that the internalization of the police mandate
in the professional identity can explain the willingness to act as police officers, in their spare
time, putting themselves at risk. Finally, he indicated responsibilities that encompass the
agency of the professional, but also of the organization in the face of professional risk and the
internalization of the police mandate. The research also analyzes the complex relationship that
police officers may have with firearms, an aspect that can mitigate or enhance the risks
perceived by these professionals.

This thesis seeks to investigate the relationship between land and income transfer programs, aiming to find out to what extent both are mutually exclusive or complementary in terms of the value of benefits and the needs of campers. The programs analyzed are Bolsa Família and Renda Básica Emergencial in the Baixa Verde community located in Eunápolis/B, considering the perceptions of the beneficiaries about the implementation of these programs in the camp. To do so, we opted for a qualitative and quantitative approach, using focus groups and the application of an online form through google forms as an investigation method. First, a bibliographical and documentary research was carried out through the tabulator of the single register - TABCAD and the agricultural census, seeking to trace the profile of the campers and settlers in a comparative way at national level, northeast, Bahia and Eunápolis who are benefited by the Bolsa Família Program – PBF. Subsequently, focus groups were held at the Baixa Verde camp from March to October 2021 with the purpose of listening to the protagonist voices of this reality, the experiences and experiences of the group about the object of study. One of the words that stood out during the groups was the word “power,” in its most diverse meanings. On the one hand, the power of the land by the dominant class that performs manipulation, contributes to exploitation and feeds slavery. On the other side, the word “power” represents having legal access to land, freedom, autonomy, security and the realization of a dream. Based on the data collected, it was found that 84.5% of the camp declared themselves to be parturients and/or blacks who fight for access and the constitutional guarantee of access to land. The issue of rural poverty was the mobilizing focus, bringing reflections between the rural and the urban, as well as its dimensions of complexity and specificities that are not considered by the income transfer programs analyzed, making it difficult to access benefits and get out of the situation. of poverty by the camped families. Through the perceptions, it was noted that the camp recognizes the importance of income transfer benefits for community improvements, however, they report that the values are not enough to meet their basic needs, having a major contribution in access to food, especially in the period pandemic of covid 19. Often the value of Bolsa Família is less than and/or equal to the amount spent on territorial displacement to the city of Eunápolis, becoming a contradiction in the proposal and objective of the program, serving only for displacement, contributing to a great frustration of these families, once again having their right denied. It was found that the inclusion in the programs, psychosocial follow-up and monitoring of conditionalities are carried out discontinuously by the Social Assistance Reference Center - CRAS, not effectively contributing to professional qualification within the camp, as well as to other existing social issues that could be monitored and guided as provided for in the National Social Assistance Policy -PNAS. With regard to the contribution of programs to carry out planting, it was noted that it occurs partially in the camp due to two situations: some families need immediate access to food, not being able to go through the steps of planting, watering and harvesting, because hunger does not wait, others are afraid to plant due to the insecurity of the land/space they currently occupy, as the encampment is in the process of transition to settlement. However, some families reported that they used part of the emergency aid to plant cassava, beans and various vegetables. The transition is a reality in the Baixa Verde camp, however, this fight and wait has already lasted for 14 years due to the delay and interest of the State in regularizing this situation. In addition, there is a conflict of occupation and division of the area between two movements: the Land Struggle Movement – MLT and the Federation of Agricultural Workers – FETAG. Currently, the lots have already been distributed, however, they do not have a minimum infrastructure for families to occupy the land/lot such as water and energy and other necessary public policies such as housing construction. However, even in the face of many obstacles that they still need to face, the occupation of the lots represents security, freedom and the realization of a dream of access to land. Finally, the contribution of the aforementioned benefits to the camp is undeniable, however, there is still much to be done in the construction of programs that prioritize rural specificities in their creation, implementation and monitoring

The present work aims to understand the contradictions of future represented in dystopian
science fiction between the late 20th century an the early 21st century, trying to understand the
critical content regarding contemporaneity and how hope remains alive amidst of obscurity. In
an intense dialogue with Ernest Bloch's theory, the work seeks to understand the singularities
in the representations of future in dystopia, which insists on keeping existence in motion,
turning a much clouded future into gray throughout a rationalized world. To this end, we
analyze three works - Gattaca (1997), Matrix (1999) and Minority Report (2002) - films soaked
in their historical moment, which represent in a particularly way the anguish of present time, as
well as the looking forward to tomorrow.

This dissertation presents and discusses the trajectories and movements of two Candomblé yards founded in Salvador wich moved to cities in its metropolitan region. From the analysis of the trajectories of the janitors of each of the yard and observing the contingencies and the arrangements that were necessary for the yards to come into existence and to settle in a certain place, the research was able to get into the theme of candomblé yards and their relationship with space. The relevance of this research is anchored in the need to fill a gap in the field of studies of Anthropology of Religion regarding the theme of Afro-Brazilian religions and, above all, Candomblé, and its intersections with the theme of movements and spatiality, which were treated in an underlying manner by researchers in the field. In this research, the religious trajectories of both priests and their yards were analyzed, paying attention to the questions that arise from the spatial changes and observing the ways of doing that are formed and established from the particular movements and practices of each House. In the first case, an ethnographic research was carried out, with the active participation of the researcher in the field and subsequent data analysis. For the other case, the analysis was carried out on secondary material arising from the research carried out by Fabio Lima regarding his research for the master's degree. In both contexts, looking at both trajectories and displacements was fundamental to understand these yards in greater depth, noting that, for each specific situation, the consequences were different.

The present work investigates within the scope of Brazilian Political Thought of a liberal matrix, from the perspectives of Raymundo Faoro, Simon Schwartzman, and José Guilherme Merquior, to understand the theoretical operationalization carried out by these authors around the theme of democracy, given the national traits. It starts from the theoretical assumptions of the perenniality of the issues in the scope of political ideas and ways of thinking of a type of Brazilian liberal lineage. It follows, then, the understanding of the cleavages between the authors' statements on aspects of the national historical formation, the constitution of the State, the inconsistencies of Brazilian democracy, articulated to the conceptual framework mobilized by them. Each conceived a particular way of liberalism critical of the State in its institutional configuration but recognizing the possible means for the instrumentalization of democracy. From an interpretation that conceptualizes the national State as patrimonial and traditional, Faoro highlighted the way in which Brazilian liberalism did not succeed in the struggle against statism and constituted itself as a democratically emptied deformation. His understanding of liberalism advocated expanding political rights to the detriment of the totality of liberal doctrine. Unlike Faoro, Schwartzman saw neopatrimonialism in the Brazilian political phenomenon as a key to explaining the type of state configuration existing in Brazil, of incomplete modernization. His analysis pointed to an institutional trajectory of persistent authoritarianism, characterized by a simulacrum of modern democratic and capitalist institutions, and his institutional focus sought to delineate these differences. Merquior's liberal perception conceived liberalism in its theoretical dimension as a unity of political and economic aspects, a liberal-democratic synthesis in which the expansion of social achievements is incorporated into the doctrinal label of liberalism, based on democratic conduct. It is concluded that the analyzes of these authors about democracy do not offer identical diagnoses but suggest paradigms for reflection on the impact of Brazilian liberalism on national political thought

Hip hop began as a cultural and leisure expression for poor and young people and as a movement of resistance and protest. The movement‘s character of claiming for rights and social inclusion and for being an instrument for the entertainment of youth is accentuated. Due to its urban characteristics, the movement has always occupied the streets, the city‘s public places, which caused an erasure of women, due to the cult of a domestic life created around the female gender. This resulted in secondary roles for women, moving them away from presentation and production environment, that started to change only around the 2000s, when we noticed a greater insertion of them, questioning their gender roles. In this way, this research seeks to understand how the rap made by Dory de Oliveira and Kmila CDD represent the violence of women‘s daily life in the lyrics of their songs. It becomes evident with the analysis that discussions that had been neglected for a long time appears from these lyrics that now shed light on issues of socially present sexism and its reflection within hip hop, thinking about violence in its multiple aspects, how the socially created stereotypes about women appears in the most traditional lyrics, denouncing the subjugation of their hip hop roles just for being a woman

The problem of mobility has several population’s debates, mainly with the mobilizations of 2013, as the progressive increase of cities and circulation in the space of large cities appears. In recent years, a neoliberal logic has also been revealed to solve urban mobility deficits in Brazilian cities. Unveiling a field of dispute, multiple interests between the actors involved will intervene: Civil Society and Municipalities. The Salvador city followed this transformation segment, the urban city in the mobility segment quickly and presented new modalities of different regions of the city, Metro, BRT and LRV / Monorail. The latter is the object of analysis of this dissertation. That said, the present work aims to present the process of consultation with the community around the public policy of replacing the rail system (in turn, it founded and structured the neighborhoods in its surroundings, as well as its rules, habits and culture since the installation of the road of Calçada-Paripe in 1860), for the Public-Private Partnership (PPP) project of the Light Rail Vehicle (LRV), of the Government of Bahia. The research sought to: identify and analyze the social impacts of the LRV/Monorail project in Subúrbio Ferroviário; follow the process of decommissioning the old suburban train; as influences of urban mobility in the real partner organization of Subúrbio Ferroviário de Salvador and; in the dynamics of mobility, the project that will affect urban change in occupation, spatial production, reproduction and modification of these urban spaces. From the methodological point of view, the research refers to a qualitative approach, using different data collection tools: direct observation, information collection, audiovisual data and documental research.

Human rights play a central role in contemporary struggles, being mobilized by various actors and social systems and incorporating a set of demands and meanings. In the last decade, some studies have proposed a new way of observing these rights in society. In the field of the sociology of human rights, human rights are investigated as a scientific object, to understand what their empirical uses in the contemporary world are. The goal of this research is to understand how human rights are empirically mobilized, in the form of discourses, in the newspapers O Estado de São Paulo and Folha de S. Paulo, during 2017 and 2018. The empirical corpus is formed by 352 newspaper articles, 132 from O Estado de S. Paulo and 220 from Folha de S. Paulo. This research mobilizes the theoretical notion of medium (LUHMANN, 2005), through the medium/form distinction to understand the meanings attributed to human rights in the discourses that circulate in the news media. As a methodological approach, I observed human rights in concrete communications – journalistic articles – through the discourse category. I use the approach of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe to map the chains of signification (meanings) that are articulated in the discourses of construction and deconstruction of human rights in newspapers.

This dissertation analysed the formation of the State of Guinea-Bissau and post-independence
political challenges,seeking to understand the state formation and thechallenges it was facing
after its political Independence, including the premature imposition of the neoliberal policies
by the international community for the free movement of economic goods, signing bilateral
agreements with international partners, especially the World Bank (WB) and the International
Monetary Fund (IMF), plunged into multi-party democracy thus allowed ethnic trends taken
from the moment politicians wanted to win power, in this way, the lack of qualified debate
driven by the discourses ofethnic and religious belonging led what was verified in the
country's elections.The idea of political independence forged the ethnic unity during the
armed struggle against Portuguese imperialism, but the nation building process has been
marked by delay and hindrances.Since the democratic opening, Guinea-Bissau is gradually
experiencing moments that mark the political instability, in methodological terms the research
will be of the qualitative type with semi-structured interviews, using texts, books and
dissertations that discuss issues related to the starting question of this dissertation

In this thesis I undertake a socio-anthropological reflection on environmental conflicts
in Marine Extractive Reserves, based on a case study on Baía do Iguape Marine
Extractive Reserve (RESEX). The main purpose of the research was to analyze how
the implementation of the Iguape RESEX intervenes in the material and symbolic
disputes carried out by different social and economic segments for the possession,
use and significance of the territory. To do so, I started from the theoretical assumption
of the formation of an environmental field in contemporary societies, whose axiom is
the notion of sustainable development. The study focused on the analysis of the conflict
involving traditional extractive populations - quilombolas, fishermen, fisherwomen,
shellfish gatherers, small farmers - and the Pedra do Cavalo Complex, composed of a
dam and a hydroelectric plant. The methodological strategies consisted of document
analysis and collection of primary data from semi-structured interviews and systematic
observation of the meetings of the Management Council of the Resex and the
performance of traditional populations in different public spaces. The research results
point out the lack of agreement between government proposals (federal and state) for
this area. It also showed changes in the disputes over the appropriation, use and
meaning of the territory with the implementation of the Iguape Resex. Traditional
populations have increased their symbolic capital, since the territory is now governed
by new legislation that recognizes the rights of these peoples. However, the realization
of these rights collides with desenvolvimentista and neoliberal positions that support
the collusion of part of the governmental spheres with the private sector.

n his workThe Laws of Imitation,GabrielTarde characterizes imitation as anintercerebral
action at a distance. Based on a distinct metaphysical conception developed via the idea of the
monad, Tarde develops hisuniversal sociology, built on the primacy ofpossessionas the
constitutive act characteristic of the cosmos. In this sense, imitation is one more particular
manifestation of this possessive cosmological generality. In this thesis, we seek to highlight
certain consequences resulting from the idea that imitation isintercerebralaction. Therefore, the
brain, understood here within this sociological conception as possessing it own agency, will be
considered via three dimensions or scales of pertinence. In the first, we present the relationship
betweenthehomeostaticprocessesconstitutiveofbiological beings in general, andtheir
connectionwiththeemergenceofconsciousness,specificallyconsideringtheneuraonal
formation of the brain. We especially highlight the connection betweenprimordial feelings,
which are in constant dialogue withthe brain, and the way this complex is reflected in thebeliefs
anddesireswhose imitation is mediatedby the brain in Tarde’s sociology. In the second
dimension, we will expand our focus, from the neuronal scale of the first, to consider the
properlysocioanthropologicallevel.Iseektoshowthefundamental roleofsharingof
intentionality, according to the Theory ofShared Intentionalityand the associatedratchet effect,
with anthropological creativity as an extension of the recursivity of images inthe mind. Such
recursivity constitutes a continuum of images that mediates both the imitation of beliefs and
desires and the conditions of possibility forinvention. I argue that there is a type ofproto-
metaphormanifestingthepossessionofimages in themind, which couldinstantiate the
emergence of inventions via the formation of unprecedented mixtures of images. Finally, I will
consider theplasticityof the brain, which is an irreducible factor in its capacity to mediate and
transform its relations with the environment, presupposing a reciprocal plasticity between both
the internal andexternal environments. This leads to certain consequences that a Tardean
sociologywoulddeal with within the purview ofa reformulated“historical materialism”,
consideringthecoordinationofaplasticallyconstitutedandstatisticallyapprehended
environment in a type ofecologicalthought. I undertake a reflection about certain political and
material conditions in the context of social and technological arrangements,which result from
this plasticity and the architecture of Tarde’s metaphysics, based on the two pillars of difference
andrepetition.AsIarguehere,theproblemofcoordinationbecomesafundamental
programmatic aspect of the architectonic formation of Tarde’s sociology.

The present research studies the process of sociopolitical construction of quilombola ethnic identities from the mesh of interactions between human and human/non-human actors in three contiguous rural black communities in the region of Cariri, Ceará. Through a dialogue with theoretical-epistemological reflections of phenomenological character, I guide the research towards the understanding of the emergence of black quilombola identities through the fields of practices and contexts of actions that surround the daily praxis of multiple actors that swarm around the struggle for political participation, distributive justice and cultural recognition of the quilombos in Cariri. The thesis that I defend throughout this research is that such fields of practices and contexts of actions subsidize moments in which the lived experiences of the subjects enable the production of representations about quilombo and what it means to be a quilombola. In other words, I highlight how the production of presence enables the production of meanings. Although they are guided by meanings and values – which gives practices and contexts a structured dimension – the same fields of practices and contexts of actions structure representations about quilombos. This means a look at both the social representations of quilombos that already exist and also a record of a certain social dynamics that produces, (re)means and reiterates meanings about quilombos in black rural communities in Cariri. As important as the easily perceptible meanings in the individual and collective performances of quilombola agents, my objective is to document and reflect on sociographic moments in which the production of meanings is put into action in a hic et nunc (a here and now)

The present research drives an investigation aimed on the transformations within Chinese State after the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, thus advancing in the comprehension of continuities and discontinuities in the political and economical processes generated by the different cycles that succeeded the inauguration of the revolutionary rule in that country (through Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping until Xi Jinping). In order to do so, there will be established a theoretical and conceptual investigation after two categories mainly mobilized: Imperialism and Hegemony. By using such categories we shall turn ourselves to a study of the current characteristics of State and Mode of Production in China (Structure and Superstructures), with its diverse determinations generated in the era of imperialist monopolist capitalism and in contradiction with it. Concluding for the existence of a Proletarian class Hegemony under direction of the Chinese Communist Party with its respective Apparatuses. Afterwards through a territorial emphasis around China and the period of post-economical crisis of 2008 we shall advance on a debate over the current chinese geopolitics until the present year of 2021, investigating the “interior-exterior” dialectics in the political and economical processes. Finally we will establish a debate on the Hegemonic Blocs, finding out how China would be the driving force of a Counter-hegemonic Bloc in association with Russia and other actores, bred by the contradictions of center-periphery, by the contest over people’s self-determination and national sovereignty. We shall conclude for the existence of such a bloc, and its fundamentally antagonic features against imperialist capitalism and its main representatives such as the USA, European Union and Japan. Coming to the understanding that this struggle aims at the overcoming/transformation of the international hegemonic structures for dominance of the ocidental imperialist capitalism. Thus establishing Institutionality forms ruled on multilateralism

The objective of this dissertation is to compare the German and Brazilian social protection system in the light of the typology of the three welfare state regimes developed by the Danish author Esping-Andersen. The analysis highlighted the differences and similarities between the German and Brazilian social protection systems. The path chosen was the examination of the historical-political trajectory, to understand the explanatory causes of the emergence and development of each social protection system. For this, three main variables were listed, of a qualitative-quantitative nature: decommodification, stratification, and defamiliarization, which provided the methodological instrument for the analysis of social protection systems, especially in the social security system, social assistance, health, and labor policies. It was observed that the two countries adopt a predominantly conservative system, based on a contributory security system. Despite the temporal difference, social protection systems reveal similarities in the phase of the emergence of social policies. The differences are evident in the consolidation phase, when Germany developed a comprehensive conservative welfare state with "almost universal" characteristics, protecting its citizens from the greatest risks at relatively high levels. In contrast, in Brazil a conservative system was established, based on regulated citizenship, subordinated to the interests of the market, with highly liberal traits. This research also revealed that a specific characteristic of the Brazilian social protection system are high rates of informality and the high degree of familiarity.

This research situates the existing problematic between a team of educators / social workers linked both to the Human Rights Promotion Directorate of Cuca Jangurussu (public equipment aimed at enabling and enhancing the access of young people to culture, art, science, leisure and sport located in Jangurussu, a neighborhood of Fortaleza in Ceará, Brazil) and ‘Nuced’ (Center for Drug Studies of the Department of Psychology of the Federal University of Ceará), and young beneficiaries of public policies carried out by/at Cuca concerning the implementation of so-called harm reduction actions. The ‘network of interlocutors’ became central to the research, and the argument for the work was built by being with these individuals. Social sciences studies on the uses of psychoactive drugs and their intersections with public health and public policies formed the guidelines for observing, analyzing and proposing actions aimed at reducing harm among impoverished young people living in peripheral urban contexts. I reported on how the actions and interventions to reduce risks and harm were appropriated by those individuals based on their identity, ethnic and socioeconomic perspectives. I also carried out situational analyzes on how these harm reduction actions / strategies were planned, executed and appropriated, in order to guarantee for the black and mixed-race youth living in a peripheral neighborhood where Cuca operates, the right of ownership of their own bodies. I approached the locus, understood as the central research field of the present thesis, based on actions proposed by Nuced. As a volunteer at Nuced, I joined the youth and other residents of that region, and incorporated into the work their narratives, trajectories and life stories, more specifically based on accounts of a young woman and a young man who at the time were university students at undergraduate and graduate level, as they show themselves to be fierce activists in the community. The notion of risk and harm reduction (re)established in this field of research was spread by contextual aspects in which legal, social and political factors were superimposed on physiological ones, in terms of the importance given to the notion of care in the discourses and practices of those young people. As a result, the research helps to situate how the actions and strategies offered by the State to reduce drug-related harm are creatively transformed by this fraction of the young population living on the outskirts of Fortaleza

This ethnography on biomedicine researches the learning of emotions in an institutional context of medical education. Fieldwork was carried out in the cardiology ward of a University hospital. This choice was based on the idea of the symbolic idea of the heart being an organ central as a place of emotions. The ethnographic interest is in learning as / in practice, since the main idea behind this research is not only to know what is learned about emotions, but how this is learnt. Apprentices, tutors, other health professionals, patients, family members, the organization of the health system itself, and even the unexpected context of the COVID19 pandemic, together shape the reality of emotions. The ethnographic work showed that learning about emotions in medical education is a tacit process, and that this learning is characterized by the control of emotions, the privatization of subjectivity and the search for an objectification of emotions, seen as elements that would not feature in the learning process of doctors, due to their being seen as outside of the real object of this learning process: diseases. Differences were also identified with regards to emotional experiences between preceptors and apprentices, pointing to a distinction in the medical hierarchy associated not only with experience, but with engagement in different practicalities. The ethnographic work also highlighted some inflection points in this hegemonic way of learning about emotions, emphasizing these fissures, which would be more exposed in the passage from the medicine of books, of pieces, to the medicine of the living, when treating real people, in real wards. The learning of emotions is not final nor fixed, rather, different versions of emotions are always being produced in a situated way, from the engagement of the actors in the context of practice. Through these research findings, I emphasize the power of emotions to help us understand fully what medical training entails. Recognizing that learning about emotions feature in biomedical learning context allows us to build a different way of seeing and interpreting this very learning process, enabling us to identify some dilemmas that surround medical teaching and practice.

The central problem analyzed in this research is the relationship between the privatization process of the Salvador Airport and the Health of Workers. To understand this relationship, the restructuring of the Brazilian Airport Infrastructure Company – INFRAERO and the working conditions of the respective category were investigated. We started from the hypothesis that the privatization of Salvador Airport was preceded by an organizational remodeling that redefined work relations, functions, activities, professional identity and the (in)capacity of organization of the category, contributing to the emergence of or worsening of work-related psychosocial illnesses and suffering. In order to know the validity of this hypothesis, the general objective was to understand the repercussions of this macro-process for the Health of Workers, through four directions of investigation: the way in which the Airport concession process was organized from Salvador to the private sector; the changes that have taken place with regard to the restructuring in question, related to the transformations of sectors and work processes; the resulting psychosocial factors/risks; and the sufferings and psychosocial illnesses resulting from the work organization constituted in this scenario. The methodological design is qualitative in nature and is based on a documentary survey, the collection of secondary institutional data and narrative interviews. The cut given to the investigation period is adapted to the collection instruments, namely: with regard to the research of secondary and documentary content, the period was longitudinal and is concentrated between the years 2005 and 2015, capturing the milestones of the restructuring; with regard to the narratives, the interviews were relevant to the formal course of privatization, between 2016 and 2018. The construction of the theoretical-critical framework is based on three pillars of analysis: State, work and Worker's Health. The reflexive articulation between the three pillars allowed a critical understanding of how the State and INFRAERO, in an articulated way, developed strategies that “camouflaged” the privatization of Salvador Airport, in a non-classical way, through the reproduction of a “perspective fetishized by temporary privatization”, overshadowing a mega internal restructuring that preceded privatization by almost a decade. Through a "silencing strategy" that concealed this reality, this organizational reconfiguration perverted the experience and meaning of work for airport workers, using an ideological discourse that co-opted the subjectivity of employees), fragmented and influenced the (in)capacity of collective organization of the category. This context formed a modus operandis for privatization embodied in mechanisms of institutional harassment, despotism, the threat of dismissals and the discarding of the workers' experience. It was a transformation that demeaned and dismantled social rights and living conditions, based on social determinants at work that intensified psychosocial suffering and the growth of work-related behavioral mental disorders.

This thesis intends to approach how the New Latin American Cinema (NCL) elaborated utopian imaginaries. We did this through contextualization, analysis of manifests, and two of its films: Deus e o Diabo na terra do sol (Black God, White Devil), a fiction directed by the Brazilian Glauber Rocha, and La hora de los hornos (The Hour of the Furnaces), a documentary directed by the Argentine collective Cine Liberación. Therefore, we discuss the sociology of cinema and utopia, with an approach to the concept of utopia developed by Ernst Bloch in The principle of hope. Afterward, through a bibliographical review, we approach the context of the NCL and some elements of its conceptualization. Then, we analyze the utopian aspects of some of the movement's manifestos, make brief comments on films present in the events considered foundational, to expose the motivations of our selection and, as a central aspect of our work, elaborate the film analysis of the aforementioned films, seeking to make some comments and comparisons with other NCL movies. In the end, we consider that despite having utopias declared in their manifestos, not all films of the movement fully elaborate them in their narratives, even though the presence of critical discourse about social injustices is common to most films of the time; nevertheless, there is the presence of utopian elements in several works and, particularly in the films analyzed in more detail, we seek to understand how these utopias are constructed or expressed through the montage of sound and images, which was expressed in a way differentiated in the analyzed films.

This thesis consists on the investigation of recent changes in the Brazilian higher education system, taking as a time frame the publication of Law No. 12,711/2012, known as the “Quotas and Affirmative Action Law”, a normative instrument that influenced and still influences the debate on racial affirmative actions in Brazil, inside and outside universities. Quantitative methods were applied, using data from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) and the Ministry of Education (MEC), associated with a review of the most recent extensive bibliography on the subject. Inspired by the proposal of a plural model of higher education as a possible horizon, decolonial and intersectional approaches were applied to analyze racial, gender and territorial inequalities in the academic community, highlighting the transformative potential of actors historically excluded from this space of status and power. The higher education system was described in its vertical organization in recent decades, through the profile of undergraduate and graduate students, masters and doctors, professors who completed higher education and, finally, university professors. In this sense, I mobilized classical approaches on racial inequalities in Brazil, especially Carlos Hasenbalg’s, adding contemporary proposals for the decoloniality of knowledge and the intersectionality of oppressions. Affirmative Action policies in higher education induced an important growth on presence of black and poorer students, and those from the public basic education, strengthening the transformation process in graduation community profile, which multiplies to higher levels of the academic career. In post graduation and teaching, this presence is less expressive, also when the system is horizontally stratified, that is, in different areas of knowledge. In the context of revision of the Quota Law in 2022, I expect to offer contributions to the improvement of affirmative action strategies, positive discrimination and knowledge dialogue, towards a less unequal and fairer higher education system in the Brazil.

This dissertation seeks to study Repression and Sexual Freedom in the new cinema of Pernambuco: Baixio das Bestas and Tatuagem. With a sociological approach to culture through Brazilian cinema.

The aim of this research was to understand the experiences, relationships and working conditions of employees at the Professor Edgar Santos University Hospital (HUPES) after its management was transferred from the Federal University of Bahia to the Brazilian Hospital Services Company (EBSERH), which characterizes a situation typical of outsourcing in the public sector. The entry of the company exacerbated certain situations within the hospital due to the entry of new workers contracted through the Consolidation of Worker's Rights (CLT), being considered federal public servants. The workers who had been operating under other contractual relationships within the University Hospital (HU) for some time, were now submitted to another employment regime, which generated conflict and tension as the study highlights. Data collection was carried out with different categories responding to a semistructured questionnaire to guarantee that diverse perspectives were heard, in addition to an interview with an individual who works in hospital management. The analysis of the data was undertaken through triangulation: theoretical texts, documents and data from the empirical field. Results showed that the EBSERH represents a direct attack on the Single Judicial Regime (Regime Jurídico Único) (RJU) condition of employment, with the main change being for new employees. The research uncovered a conflict between them, which interferes both in organizational dynamics as well as with union organization, as can be seen in the segmentation of the different categories. Problems with the hospital infrastructure were also noted such as broken elevators, overheating and a lack of secutiry. Issues related to bullying were also mentioned by study participants. Over time, the few employees who are still employed at the HUPES, today the minority, will retire and only CLT employees will remain. The EBSERH's model, a private rights public institution, is already being touted as the 'ideal model' to be adopted in other public institutions, such as Universities. Given this, it is considered necessary to defend the public servant as an essential element for liberal democracy, given that they have had their role socially devalued, seen as useless or even represented as regressive for the State. Public servants are essential for a republican, democratic and socially responsible State, since it is they who carry out public policy, and therefore should not be at the mercy of political contingencies, thereby compromising democratic process and its responsibility to act in the interests of all and for the common good. The private sector management model cannot be applied in the public sector, given that both should have differentiated professional ethics and attendance profiles

The central problem investigated in this research was the relationship between the struggle of Sindiflora, a union of rural wage earners, and the reversal of part of the outsourcing in a company of cultivation of eucalyptus in the north coast of Bahia, Copener Florestal. Three explanatory hypotheses were raised, with no excluded restrictions, to investigate this partial reversal of outsourcing: (i) the union struggle, especially from a strike that preceded the primarization; (ii) the work of the Public Ministry of Labor and Labor Justice; (iii) possible motivations of the company itself. The most likely hypothesis, or one with the highest incidence, was considered the first. A bibliographic review, a documentary research, and a field research were articulated. The latter had as a data production technique semi-structured interviews with subjects considered strategic in this process, namely, ten union leaders. To support the investigation, this work addresses the centrality of outsourcing in the configuration of contemporary capitalism. It questions the intrinsic relationship between outsourcing and the social precariousness of work. In addition, it deals with the political dimension of outsourcing, as an instrument for the fragmentation of workers, in their solidarity and in their resistance, including union resistance. Demonstrates the manifestation of these characteristics of outsourcing in the case studied. It analyzes the resistance to such manifestations, especially the performance of Sindiflora. It also analyzes the relationship between the strike led by the union (as well as the more general action of Sindiflora) and the primarization process resulting from the strike activity. It was verified, considering the hypotheses outlined: (i) the confirmation of union action as the main factor for primarization; (ii) as well as determinants in the process, the work of the Public Ministry of Labor and Labor Justice; (iii) finally, the company's interests are also a factor that affected the way in which primarization took place, and its limits. It is concluded, centrally, that the characteristic of this union, of organizing effective and outsourced workers on the same basis, was fundamental for the centrality in its confrontation with outsourcing. And that this is, therefore, an important experience to reflect on possible ways of unionism in the fight against outsourcing.

This text portrays an experience of interaction and conflict among agents representing the populations that live within the watersheds of the Recôncavo Norte/Inhambupe (CBHRN/I) in whose management the Basin Committee acts for this purpose. In this way, the harmful effects on the most vulnerable segments of civil society organizations are emphasized based on the discourse of economic expansion securlaly instituted for the targeted region. Also northworthy is the influence of participation (governance) in decisions concerning the use of water in a huge territory that does not face water shortages and which extends over the region of nine contiguous hydrographic basins, corresponding to 46 municipalities comprising eight Identity Territories. Besides, the mentioned region counts on the action of Public Authorities that care about eight Environmental Protection Areas (APAs). Additionally, the region responds for around 80% of the collection of taxes due to the Circulation of Goods and Services (ICMS of the Metropolitan of Salvador (RMS) together with the region of the North Coast of the State of Bahia. Therefore, it is concluded that the Participatory Management Model, responsible for strengthening the balance in the distribution of water among all users in the basins object of the study hasnot yet achieved its objective of effectiveness.

This dissertation consists of an analysis of the journalistic coverage of Dilma Rousseff's impeachment, through an investigation by the editorials of the two brazilian newspapers, Folha de S. Paulo and O Estado de S. Paulo. The analysis was concentrated as editorial pieces published during the period of March 2015, the month in which the first large street demonstrations against the Dilma government appeared, until August 2016, when the impeachment was approved by the Brazilian Senate. For the empirical study were analysed 336 editorials published, 229 from the newspaper O Estado de S. Paulo and 107 from Folha de S. Paulo. The goal of research is to analyze the mechanisms used through Journalism, to build a coverage of political phenomenal. From this investigation, it is possible to analyze the dynamics between the media and the political field, in order to identify possible approximations and divergences. The analysis of the editorials, a space in which the communication institutions, take a stand about certain subjects and present their opinions to the readers, which allow to identify the positions of the newspapers, regarding the impeachment process. Therefore, the main arguments used by newspapers were identified to characterize Dilma's removal. Regarding the methodological procedures, we opted for the mixed methods approach. The Grounded Theory, methodology based on empirical analysis for knowledge construction, used as a guide during the process of preparing analytical categories. In the empirical investigations, we used the qualitative analysis software ATLAS.ti as a tool to assist the data listing and categorization and the Sphinx software to assist in the tabulation and quantitative analysis of the data. According to the results, there was an attempt by both legitimate newspapers to impeach Dilma. For that, arguments were mobilized that gave legitimacy to the process. Although the news coverage of Folha de S. Paulo and the State of S. Paulo showed similarities in the way of characterizing Dilma's removal, the editorials gave priority to different aspects of the process. This finding contributed to the defense that the editorials investigation makes it possible to identify the different opinions that the communication institutions defend in the public debate.

The objective of this dissertation is to analyze the relationship between the living and the dead, which is ritualistically engendered in the worship of babá egum in Bahia, more specifically, in Salvador and on Itaparica Island. The analysis starts from the iorubá understanding of death as continuity. In this study, I consider the constitutive elements of this Afro-Brazilian religious practice, highlighting the pathways that give access to the system of participation in the rituals, which can be guaranteed through consanguinity with the founders and leaders of the terreiros or via multiple triggers such as sickness, heritage or ancestral choice. The findings gathered in the empirical research, together with the socio-anthropological theory, ground the discussions regarding kinship, ancestry, tradition and gender. In this manner, the dynamics of mutual care between the deified male ancestors and the religious community, which dedicates itself to continuously maintaining this connection, is the guiding thread of this research.

The main objective of this research was to trace the girls’ institutional trajectory from the documents produced about them, within the scope of socio-educational assistance, specifically in the execution of the socio-educational measure of incarceration in the state of Bahia. From the main documents that make up the attendance record, it was possible to identify a part of the girls’ trajectory until the imposition of the socio-educational measure of incarceration and the main aspects that contributed to the criminalization process, as well as the reasons that contributed to the maintenance, extinction or replacement of the socioeducational measure of incarceration. The institutional records are formed by the set of documents that trace part of the girls’ trajectory from the selection through the meshes of the juvenile justice system until the end of the deprivation of liberty measure. In this thesis, these institutional records are considered sensitive documents (BAUER; GERTZ, 2017; BORGES, 2016; FICO, 2012; SALLA; BORGES, 2017; THIESEN, 2012; 2014), are adopted as the main source of data collection, and considered an ethnographic artifact (BORGES, 2016; CARRARA, 1998; FERREIRA, 2011; 2015; GITELMAN, 2014; HULL, 2012; LUGONES, 2009; 2014; PEIRANO, 2006; 2009; RILES, 2006; VIANNA, 1999; 2014). The time frame included the beginning of the activities of the exclusively female unit (May 2014) until the end of the year 2017, which culminated in 34 records as the documentary corpus. Data of boys from the male unit were added for purposes of verification through sampling. In the socio-educational measure of incarceration, girls need to thrive in an environment that predetermines them difficult to deal with, as demanding of attention, full of specific needs, and promoting constant wearing situations. Thus, in an institutional dynamic in which good behavior is generationally gendered and racracialized, the institutional trajectory of the girls is marked by the constant evaluation of their histories, socialization, and experiences, by their modes of interaction in intra-wall life, by their behaviors, personalities, emotions and by their capacity of resignation in face of the suffering generated by the deprivation of liberty. Based on a model of operation and organization consolidated by a set of actions that do not consider the multi-discrimination and the particularities of the adversities presented in the concrete experience of the girls, there is a monolithic form in the way of executing the socioeducational measure in the Bahian socio-educational service that, oriented and consolidated by its institutional expertise in implementing socio-educational measures for boys, has created a specific way of punishing girls. It is pointed out that practices that are sensitive to intersectionality can be effective in influencing the monolithism of socio-educational intervention

The following thesis introduces a contribution to the discussion of metropolitan problem in Brazil through three approaches. First, a rescue of institutional trajectory, since its initial milestone in the military regime, to the recent Statute of the Metropolis, associated with the focus on metropolitan regions of Salvador and Belo Horizonte in order to compare different deployments of the national institutional standards. The second approach analyzes the legislative production on metropolitan politics in the states of Bahia and Minas Gerais between 1999 and 2018, relating the subject to those regions political representation. The third discusses the political-electoral dynamics, establishing a comparison of these states in elections for state congressional representatives from 1998 to 2014, unfolded in three aspects: the characteristics of the political disputes of the different localities - capital, Metropolitan area and countryside; the metropolitan representativeness in State Legislatures; and the configuration of electoral competition at the municipal level and the inland of both metropolises. The findings of thesis challenge two institutional premises pointed out in literature as obstacles to metropolitan agenda: the federalism established in CF-1988, with the consequent municipal empowerment; and the operationalization of the electoral system, which would produce a metropolitan underrepresentation and a more restricted competitions dynamic between cities, leading to metropolitan parochialism. In the case of Minas Gerais, a solution which was more consolidated institutional and higher standard of articulation of governance were noticed after the City Statute and in the presence of a greater number of metropolitan municipalities as well as more relevant legislative production on the topic, resulting in more autonomy. In contrast, in the case of Bahia, a centralizing tendency and a metropolitan region with fewer municipalities and less municipal autonomy has inhibited cooperation and consolidation of institutions. This frame follows the legislative scenario: despite persistence in both cases, metropolitan underrepresentation is more discreet in the Minas Gerais congress and accentuated in Bahia since 2006. However, the combination of two instruments for measuring the electoral dynamics in the municipalities and inside the metropolises allowed us to conclude that competitiveness only constitutes a filter to representativeness when there was more related to oligarchy traits: high competitiveness with low effective number of candidates does not result in less chance of election - local level, rival groups could create a pact over the dispute. Thus, the electoral system can be a disincentive to the representation of Metropolitan Areas, even though chances of metropolitan parochialism are inhibited by high levels of competitiveness and the extremely high number of effective candidates found in electoral zones of the two metropolises

This thesis aimed to describe and understand the social dynamics that permeate life trajectories that are interspersed by multiple experiences of deprivation of liberty since adolescence. The main research method adopted was the biographical method through life story interviews. From the narratives of life stories, I sought to analyze how men and women with repeated experiences of deprivation of liberty and interaction with criminalization processes presented and understood their trajectories. Studies on criminal recidivism are still scarce in Brazil, although recidivism is considered a major social problem and appears to justify increasingly harsh actions against crime and criminals. In the prison units where the research was conducted, almost 40% of men and 20% of women who were awaiting trial were repeat offenders (they had been arrested previously), as were more than half of those sentenced. In addition, at least 10% of men provisionally arrested, 6.7% of those sentenced and just over 8% of women (provisional and sentenced) had already been apprehended as teenagers. Therefore, through the life story narratives of 11 women and 20 men, I sought to understand the trajectories that led to the entrance to the revolving door of incarceration (adolescent and adult imprisonment) and their experiences of criminal persistence and criminalization until then. To present these trajectories, I tried to point out the main social dynamics in the different spaces through which the people interviewed passed and the processes of derivation from one space to another: the Home, the Street and the Prison. This itinerary turns into a circular trajectory - from the revolving door of incarceration - where the spaces of the Home, the Street and the Prison alternate and cross each other. From the narratives, it was possible to understand that there were two distinct trajectories, that of the independents and that of those involved. The trajectory of the independents is more related to thefts and robberies in concomitance with odd jobs in the informal labor market and a greater experience in situations of living on the streets and of drug abuse. That of those involved would be related to criminal activities linked to criminal groups, mostly related to the underground drug economy, which, more than the independents, seek recognition, status and adrenaline in the practice of crimes. These trajectories are not mutually exclusive, they cross and change sides depending on the circumstances experienced, but they demarcate ways of living the Street and the Prison that diverge. Differences and similarities were also observed in the experiences lived by women and men, whether in the trajectories up to committing crimes, either in the street and in the life of crime, or in the experience of Prison. Finally, it was also observed that the generational factor seems to influence the perception of past experiences and post-incarceration expectations. While the younger ones do not see themselves coming out of that revolving door and outline a more conformed attitude regarding their condition of incarceration, and a strong connection with crime, those a little less young tended to understand that this life was not the one they wanted anymore for them, and they no longer wanted to experience those repeated experiences of incarceration, even though they had not yet outlined a concrete possibility of leaving that cycle. It is thus seen that the revolving door of the Prison - recidivism - is perceived and experienced by those who have it as a structuring element of their trajectories in different ways depending on the type of involvement in crime, gender and age.

Why were the regulatory frameworks approved between 1985 and 1993, the 1988 Constitution and the Port Modernization Law, insufficient to overcome the precarious and disintegrating condition of maritime infrastructure and activity in Brazil? How and which defense coalitions affected the Maritime Shipping Policy in Brazil during the period studied and what were the beliefs and values that outlined these coalitions? The hegemony of the National Corporate Industrial Coalition in decisions involving the Maritime Cargo Transport Policy in the related period studied, whose beliefs and interests affirmed the centralization of the federal government, the direct exploitation by the public authorities of port and navigation services and obstacles to the participation of foreign capital, prevented significant changes in the guidelines formulated and implemented in politics even during the military regime (1964-1985). This is the reading key defended by this dissertation. To achieve the objectives of the work, the ACF model (Advocacy Coalition Framework) was adopted as an intelligibility scheme to explain the phenomenon. The model has been applied to study a wide range of policy arenas and decisionmaking processes (JENKINS-SMITH; NOHRSTEDT; WEIBLE; INGOLD, 2017). To operationalize the research, the declarations and proposals of laws of the actors present in the shorthand notes of the 1988 constituent processes and the approval of Law 8.630 / 93 were recovered. In this stage of data collection, the actor was the primary analysis unit. The affiliation and the federative level were attributes of the aggregation of the actors. The policy core beliefs (paradigms) and coordinated action were the Boolean concepts used to identify the positions of the actors given the possibilities of eight coalitions. Then, the analysis of social networks was applied to describe the connection between the actors. The following indicators were used: centrality by betweenness degree and frequency of participation of actors and beliefs; convergence index with paradigms and, in the case of coordinated action, between actors. These indicators were used in the comparison by statistical correlation. As a result, of the eight possible coalitions, only the National Industrial Corporate coalition occupied the central and dominant position in the subsystem. This coalition starts to dispute space with the rise of the Privatizer coalition, identified in the process of approval of the Modernization of Ports Law, in 1993. The coalition favorable to privatization did not present enough coordinated action to overcome the centrality and dominance of the coalition Industrial Nacional Corporative, which reflected on the incremental character of the new regulation

We understand the importance of analyzing a film by locating it as a raw material that
carries beyond the story told in the plot, its own history as art, being a product of the historical
period in which it was produced in the society of which it is part. The way to think about the
analysis of a visual object, to find out about a situation where visuality is an increasingly
widespread, widespread and widespread tendency, is to understand its historical emergence,
that is to say that it is also a physical experience and how they are remembered, stored in
bodily synapses that escape the rational mind.
The objective of this research is to identify and analyze some critical representations
about modern society in the film dreams, produced by the Japanese director Akira Kurosawa
in 1990. By locating the film under the sociological perspective, we elaborated a starting
question that guided us in the process of analyzing the responsible for the path of sociological
inquiry into the cinematic work: how are the problems of modern society represented in the
magical realism of the movie dreams? In delimiting the research question, we chose from the
very contact with the film which specific characteristics of modernity would be analyzed in
this dissertation. From this understanding come new questions about the dynamics of
modernity represented in the film and allowed us to organize an empirical and conceptual
body for this research.
The sociological analysis of the episodes was performed separately combining
descriptive analyzes of excerpts from dialogues of the films, cut-outs of scenes that make up
the films, application of an analysis table to the episodes, and narrative description of the
plots. The choice for Dreams was made taking into account the richness of the expensive
themes of modern society that the film addresses. Modern life appears represented in the film
in a way that deals with various issues that are part of the dynamics in society, always
magically and critically, Kurosawa with his sensitivity and cinematographic ability elaborates
and discusses questions that lead us to reflect on the limits of existence in society. world we
live in.
Artworks are objects created by artists and may contain creative and representational
elements of the creators and the society in which they are inserted. Thus we were careful to
respect the autonomy of the work of art, even if it is relative - and to understand the aesthetic
richness of a material subject to sociological investigation

The present study aims at analyzing the ways in which the Community Bank of Matarandiba - BCD Ilhamar operates, observing the principles of self - management, cooperation, economic viability and solidarity in the context of solidarity economy. For this purpose, we seek to analyze how the subjects that integrate this experience relate to each other and also verify how the relations of these subjects and the other members of the solidarity economic enterprise (EES) supported by the BCD Ilhamar reflect the principles that a priori serve as the north for the EES in the field of solidarity economy. The BCD Ilhamar is one of the initiatives of the Ecosmar Network, playing the role of socio-economic agent in the territory, seeking to strengthen the local economy. The research method used was the qualitative case study. The techniques used were bibliographic research, documentary research, semi-structured interviews and informal conversations. The present study points to evidence of the practices of these principles in the set of undertaken by the BCD Ilhamar, however, the field research carried out does not allow us to affirm that these principles are fully rooted in the practices of this enterprise and nor in the people involved in these processes, be it the community, local traders or even the people part of the EES analyzed.

The dissertation analyzes the social relation of hyposufficiency considering the premises
contained in the "101 Proposals for Labor Modernization" presented by the National
Confederation of Industry, which states that the Brazilian worker's condition of
hyposufficiency has changed substantially since its recognition by Labor Law in the 1940s of
the last century, due to the process of productive restructuring, transforming the Brazilian
worker into less hyposufficient, or even, considering some requirements, into hypersufficient
employees. The research also focused on this analysis, adding to this objective the new Law
13.467 which came into force in the course of the development of this work. The investigation
seeks to analyze whether such an assertion is pertinent from the understanding of the concept,
evolution, social relation of hyposufficiency by Labor Law in Brazil, considering theoretical
aspects and empirical researches. This study found that the Brazilian worker's condition of
hyposufficiency remains intact, in a level superior to the time of recognition, and the changes
imposed by the new labor legislation are not justified.

The work focuses on the theme of outsourcing regulation and banking call centers in Brazil, especially, banking outsourcing operated through call centers, practiced by so-called multiple and private banks that operate, predominantly, in the commerce and in the credit cards administration. In this context, the proposed question is: what were the results of outsourcing that the Citicard bank accomplished, between 2003 and 2013 in Bahia? The objective is to investigate the outsourcing of the Citicard call center, having as context the recent debates about the limits of outsourcing and its possible relation with the social precarization of work. The specific objectives are: to understand the role of regulation and institutions on the outsourcing, until the recent Labor Reform, and the interaction of this process with the outsourcing promoted by Citicard; to analyze judicial lawsuits promoted by call centers operators against the Citicard bank, claiming the illegality of outsourcing in Bahia from 2003 to 2013; to verify the case of outsourcing promoted by Citicard in a context of a specific reality of flexible capitalism; and, finally, to investigate the outsourcing of the call center, with a view to the impacts of successive contractual changes for the labor of women workers in this segment. The research methodology, adopted a qualitative approach, using as theoretical-methodological reference the historical materialism and using varied techniques of collection and analysis, such as: bibliographical review, documentary research, for example, on the outsourcing regulation of work in the country and its banking strand and in labor claims promoted by telemarketing attendants against Citicard. Finally, it was made a content analysis in relation to the gathered documents. The main categories and/or analytical concepts adopted for the development of the research were: work, precarization and outsourcing. The results indicate that, initially, the history of outsourcing in Brazil, including its banking cutoff, and the successive deals it has undergone over the last decades, by the most different political, juridical and economic institutions, reveals it as a trend process of discarding labor law protection limits, inserted in a broader context of structural crisis of capitalism and social precarization of labor. Moreover, the outsourcing promoted by the Citicard, with the emptying of the banking category, through the intermediation of the call center operators' labor, demoted the productive costs to the price a categorical and union normative framework less advantageous for the workers, with evident salary losses and various rights. 

The present work problematizes and transforms into an object of research as a society, marked
by less/fewer institutionalized forms of organization, perceives development issues, both at the
national and at the community level, based on the experience lived in daily life. This is because
the concept of development is classically conceived from categories like market, state and
society, in the mold of the capitalist organizations of Euro-Western societies. The development
category, which has liberalism as one of its main political-ideological pillars, in search of its
universality, disregards the historical and social contexts distinct from the Western, particularly
European. In the Bissau-Guinean context, we can see the presence of groups from the Bijagós’s
society of the Urok islands (Tcheden'a, Nagô and Formosa) with different visions and
development perceptions of the other (western) contexts, but inserted in the context and global
dynamics of capitalism. The research is justified by its importance in establishing some
parameters for the understanding of collective action and the endogenous demands: social,
cultural, political and ecological from the perceptions of the organizations and groups of the
Bijagós’s society, in the islands of Urok. It is pertinent because it aims to contribute to the
understanding of its social configuration and the perceptions of endogenous local development
in its relationship with the State and NGO´s.

This paper presents the construction of the image of the Landless Workers' Movement in the print media O Estado of São Paulo between 2001 and 2004. The first chapter deals with the historical conditions and the context of the Brazilian land structure. the process of colonization and the Land Law triggered in a concentrated and unequal land structure. Conservative modernization is analyzed as part of the historical process that resulted in the expropriation of peasants and the loss of their autonomy. In view of this, the MST arises, the ideological and political bases of the movement are discussed, as well as its internal organization. An outline of the performance and relationship of the movement with Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Lula government was drawn. Chapter 2 encompasses a theoretical discussion about media, its functioning, and the interactive processes that the media fosters. After that, a literature review was carried out with studies dealing with the topic of Media and MST. Researches dealing with the representation of the social movement in different media and the work of the landless people in front of different communicative vehicles were discussed. The media representation of the newspaper O Estado de São Paulo had as a cut four years (2001-2004), content and discourse analysis was used as methodology. The analysis of the construction of the image of the MST in the printed media had the following items: Matters per notebook; Journalistic Genre; Editorial; Sources Heard; Negative Terms; Forms of Action; Occupations; Conflict. After the presentation of the data, theoretical reflections were established on how the media builds the social movement and the landless subject. It also investigated the use of the MST in print media, addressing all that has been said: speeches and guidelines. As a result, it was possible to apprehend the action of the movement in front of the newspaper and also to verify which landless interlocutors address to O Estado de São Paulo.

This work aims to analyze the arrival and trajectory of the TDICs and the Internet as well as the resulting changes in the society of Sao Tome and Principe from the social agents involved. Thus, we also present the importance of issues relating access to networks, and information, inquiring with regard to digital inclusion and exclusion, and the role of the Internet for the socioeconomic development of Sao Tome and Principe, emphasizing aspects such as the democratization of information. Thus, three groups were selected to analyze the trajectory, relevance and social impacts of the TDICs and the internet in the country. The first group are the companies involved in the origin of the internet and the second group are the network access establishments. Through the research, we present the configuration of the problematic around the aspects that involves he evolution of the TDICs, emphasizing the social impact in the Santomean context, and from there we demonstrate the importance of the internet, analyzing and describing the projects that we think are pertinent to address the digital inclusion. São Toméan society came to live in the era of digital technologies, and the arrival of the Internet provided a digital revolution, bringing out various mechanisms, highlighting the digital interaction centers in the capital of each district of the country, digital Squares and several new websites beside other elements that have redefined the behavior of individuals as well as traditional media. However, even though it is an island country, Sao Tome and Principe, it cannot be left out of the TDICs, so it is important to insert it in the context of the information society, since the internet and digital media is can be an essential tools with regard to democratization of information, enabling a paradigm in the way individuals think about society.

This dissertation aimed to analyze the deliberative capacity of the Municipal Council of Social Assistance of the city of Salvador (CMASS) during the management of Civil Society in the 2016/2018 biennium. The CMASS was established by Municipal Law 5096/96 of January 8,

1996, as a collegiate deliberation body, permanent in the decentralized and participatory system of Social Assistance, being responsible for the coordination of the Municipal Social Assistance Policy. The analysis carried out permeates discussions about the relations between the State and Civil Society, the trajectory of the Social Assistance policy, the role of public policy management councils, the organization of the deliberative process and the social relations that permeate the daily life of CMASS. We identified that although the institutional design presents the necessary conditions for the democratic participation of the counselors and the organization of the deliberative process occurs in accordance with the Rules, documentary analysis, interviews and participant observation demonstrated that the operationalization of normative, deliberative and Control of the Policy by CMASS is marked by numerous difficulties, which are independent of the actions of the councilors, most of them due to the lack of political will of the municipal government to abide by the deliberations of the CMASS meetings. Which leads us to conclude that the deliberative capacity of the studied Council is limited by the action of the municipal government that plays a preponderant role for the deliberative capacity of civil society and social control to be realized. 

This qualitative study aims to analyze the experiences of Guinean students in the context of the city of. Therefore, information was gathered from the reading of articles, theses, dissertations and monographs that expose the experiences of students from the African continent in different Brazilian universities. Subsequently, data collection was carried out with students from the Males Campus, seeking to draw a socio-economic profile (nationality, ethnicity, language (s), course, student aid, housing), as well as data on the dynamics and contexts of the experiences of these students, based on issues involving the perception of the local population about Africa; Guinean students' view of Brazil; racism / prejudice situations experienced in the Brazilian territory, especially in São Francisco do Conde - Bahia; relationship with different nationalities; if there is racism in the country of origin; perception about being called African; aspects of the use of Portuguese and Creole languages; cultural affinities / differences between your home country and Brazil; perception about being an African student in Brazil; adaptation to the municipality; difficulties for integration; strangeness. Thus, the present research presents an understanding of the experiences lived by Guinean students in the city of São Francisco do Conde - Bahia, besides being a space to present the voices of the research subjects. The present study constitutes an extension of the discussions about the life trajectories of these students in the other's land, especially about the relations of sociability built in the various contexts of social interaction.

This study aims to analyze the revictimization – as a result of institutional violence – in cases of rape against women under the gender perspective. brief analysis of the case of the painter Artemísia Gentileschi, who, after being a victim of sexual abuse, was also a victim of the criminal system. Some aspects of the socio-legal context of these sexual offenses, highlighting it as a product of unequal power relations between men and women. From this point on, some aspects of the socio-legal context of sexual offenses are highlighted, understood as the product of unequal power relations between men and women

In this study we seek to analyze the representations of the Latin American continent in the larger work of Gabriel Garcia Márquez, One Hundred Years of Solitude (2012), the central work of the literary movement that became known with the Latin American magical realism. The Latin American magical realism in literature allowed our continent to become of great importance in the world literary scene. Our research takes as its starting point the novel itself, because, under the dialectic perspective employed here, the knowledge present in the work of art is part of a representation that is the synthesis of the determinations resulting from the reciprocally mediated relationship between the subject and social reality. In this way, through the analysis of a particular work of art, it is possible to access the values and representations of social struggles in a given historical period. Therefore, a literary work, as this synthesis between the creative subject and the objective world, becomes an important historical document that enables us to know a certain social reality.

This research intends to update some of the canons that are based on the organization and the
performance of the largest Brazilian party in terms of numerical representation between 2001
and 2018: the PMDB/MDB. The angular proposal is based on measuring and responding as the
impact of the appearance of some attenuating, like the dominant coalition, in the
operationalization of federalism as a centrifugal force in the party interior. The party
organization indicates that it suffers the impact of such changes when it presents a different
internal framework from the one anticipated in the 1980s and 1990s. Thus, we point out the
differences of internal organization from one period to the other, from changes observed in the
form of party members in key positions in the political-decision-making process (governingelectoral), in the construction and performance as well as in the profile of the dominant
coalition, in the heterogeneous/homogeneous constitution of the members of the National
Executive Committee, in the concentration and centralization of partisan power of the dominant
coalition according to the dehydration of the centrifugal force of federalism in promoting the
internal organization, in the relation with the federal governments of the period and in the
ideological profile of the party. The result of the combina tion of these variables indicates a set
of internal changes that differ and distinguish themselves from the characteristics found in the
organization and performance of both the old MDB and the PMDB of the 1980s and 1990s,
thus promoting another political-institutional physiognomy to the party.

This paper analyzes the relationship between the development of illegal drug markets controlled by bellicose criminal organizations and the social transformations in three popular neighborhoods of the Metropolitan Region of Salvador. The data collection techniques used were the direct observation, semi-structured interviews and the use of archives. Their results demonstrate how these organizations, through networks in Brazilian cities, have expanded their operational bases. It describes the intra-organizational structure, the relation of hierarchy and obedience, the composition of the functional body, the illegal merchandise marketed, the occupations, and the material gains. It elaborates a sociography of the social origin of the members of these criminal groups, emphasizing aspects such as citizenship, ethnicity, gender and age group. It examines the construction of an informal normalizing apparatus from which forms of social regulation and alternative means of obtaining justice are derived. It shows the development and consolidation of a type of family arrangement by association with coercive crime, whose foundations are rational and irrational forms of interaction such as hierarchy, functional division, affinity and trust, which consolidate an expansionist economic-territorial ethos through violent competitions and permanent cycles of retaliation. It demonstrates the resurgence of official violence in socio-political spaces controlled by these organizations and associates this factor with the militarized and bellicose strategy of the state’s public security policy and with a private police manual applicable only to the popular classes. It concludes by stating that the coexistence between warlike and coercive drug markets and the resident population has developed unconventional beliefs and values that have impacted the most diverse forms of sociability

ALBERTO, B. M. Prison in motion: a study under the on the character of imprisonment character in contemporary Mozambique, cases of Zambezia provincial and Manica regional prisons. 259.pp. ill 2019.Doctoral thesis - Programa de PósGraduação em Ciências Sociais, Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências, Universidade Federal da Bahia, Salvador, 2019.

It is true that prison is an institution that has soon become globally widespread, however its origin and vitality has never been completely similar, because the social and temporal contexts in which it has emerged, operated, and continue to operate are equally distinct. Driven by this spirit, we seek to explore a reality whose knowledge is limited: the incarceration in Mozambique in contemporary times, under two main perspectives. The first has its starting point on the model of organization of the Mozambican prison system. The second sought to examine how the prison population fits into this punitive model. The fieldwork was developed in two prison units of different levels, according to the classification established by the Mozambican prison system: the Zambezia Provincial Penitentiary Establishment and the Manica Regional Penitentiary Establishment. The methodology used was fundamentally qualitative, based on interviews with inmates and some prison guards and document analysis. We used some techniques of the quantitative method, but limited on mapping some pertinent realities to the analysis. The results of the investigation suggest that, first, prison is not an institution whose organization and operation are univocal, since each mode of organization and operation imposes a peculiar form of punishment. Second, in the specific case of Mozambique, imprisonment does not necessarily mean incarceration in a certain prison unit, but in various prison units of different levels, subjecting the detainees, including their relatives, to varied experiences with accessory and extensive micro-punishment, respectively.

Understanding the social and political reality of past is always a challenge, still more,
when you are a teacher of the High School Education, and precise to deal with
contemporary problems through facts and events of the past whichinitially they would
not have relation with the presente moment. In this scenery, the Cordel’s works
potentially appear like an educational resource that narrows these two spheres of the
social one in the only narrative. Based in this world of the words, specially of the sung
letter, orally, of the Cordel’s work, that I began my studies of Master's degree, particularly
preoccupied in understanding the form that these narratives, written by great Leandro
Gomes de Barros (1865-1918, PB), interpreted and showed the social, cultural and
political modifications resulted fromthe nascent Republic of our country. All of them lead
me to the next problem aimed research: How the Cordel’sliterature helps peopleto think
the modern proceedings of the First Republic? Having as the principal following aims:
identifying the changes of the political system of the 19th century period in order to
understand their repercussions on the Cordel’s works; Analysing the present
representations in the Cordel’s work through the interlacement of the biographical
process of the popular man of letters, cordelista, with the context social policy of
production of theirwork; analysing asthe constructive process of the Cordel’s workprints
a popular perspective of experiencing of the project of modernity of our country. Thus
From those objectives the corpus of those researches wereappointed whichall of them
were mounted through fifty six printed Cordels and later off they were subsequently
inserted in the software Atlas Ti., Those works can be found in the heap of the
Foundation House of Rui Barbosa. This corpus was analysed with the techniques
supplied by the Analysis of Content (AC) using also the tool of the clouds of words,
resultant force of the incorporation and codification of the material in the Atlas Ti. This
inquiry came to the conclusion of which those Cordel’s works, which were produced by
Leandro Gomes de Barros, show the voice of the people, and the popular longings:
around the high cost of life, payment of taxes, increase of the prices of the foods
(economical elements), of the formation of the national army of Brazil at World war I,
increase of the laws and of the prisons (factors of the national sovereignity and political)
and, finally, but not the least importante one, the presence of the paving, of the liberal
professionals, of the newspapers, and the habit of reading and of the Reading itself
(elements of order of the sociabilidades and of changes of the city). This immaterial
cultural inheritance of our country, the Cordel’s work, connects art and reality that
transcends the order of the time, of the author and of the reality.

The main objective of this thesis is to analyze how party organizations select their candidates
in the Brazilian political and electoral system by comparing the selection processes carried out
by twelve parties (PT, DEM, MDB, PSDB, PSB, PPS, PV, PRB, PSC, PTN, PCdoB and
PSOL), based on the position of city councilor in the 2016 elections in the capital of Bahia.
As well as understanding electoral strategies, the formal and informal rules that interfere with
the composition of the final lists. The paper is theoretically embedded in the field of study
that has not yet been studied in Brazil, which considers the selection of candidates as a crucial
part of legislative recruitment within political parties. For this comparative purpose, the
concept of institutionalization of the organizational model of Panebianco (2005) is used. With
such a theoretical model, we try to answer the following question: To what extent does the
degree of institutionalization of party organizations affect the differences between candidate
selection processes? This thesis sought to understand the following dimensions of selection:
the first was to delve into the electoral strategies adopted by the parties; the second dimension
was the analysis of the formal rules present in electoral and statutory legislation; the third and
main stage consisted in unraveling the secret garden of the informal rules of selection through
in-depth interviews with the gatekeepers of these parties to demonstrate in real life how they
control the drafting of the final lists of nominations; and finally through the application of 120
questionnaires between the other actors involved (candidates and non-candidates), it was also
intended to discuss the profiles of these actors, to compare the information provided by the
leaders and to discover other informalities in the selection. In addition to these dimensions,
the research sought to investigate one of the consequences of the party function of selecting
candidates: demographic representativeness through the social composition of the actors
involved in recruitment and party lists. The conclusion reached is that party leaders decide
and control the selection processes, however limited by electoral strategies and less by the
informal rules that they establish.

This work seeks to discuss the international actions of non-state cultural agents and their possible repercussion on the country's cultural diplomacy, contributing to project a positive image through the insertion of national symbolic production in the global circuit, based on the performance of the Associação Cultural Videobrasil , a Brazilian non-profit organization specializing in the visual arts, with a strong role in promoting the exchange and mobility of artistic production in the Global South countries. Based on documentary research and some interviews with private sector agents, it seeks to understand how cultural actors are organizing themselves in the face of the transformations provoked by globalization and the unprecedented increase of cultural exchanges. The main strategies used and the challenges faced by non - state actors and the scope of their performance for the qualified insertion of Brazilian visual artists in the inter (trans) national contemporary art field will be examined. The role of this non-state actor in the diffusion of Brazilian artistic creation will be analyzed according to three axes: (a) the role of cultural production in the international projection of the countries and struggles for their legitimation in the globalized world, (b) reconfiguration of national strategies for external action and (c) non-governmental presence in cultural diplomacy. The official Brazilian Cultural Diplomacy, and especially the art diplomacy, could work in collaboration with private cultural agents, absorbing the dynamics of the art world, renewing its performance and garnering results in terms of the acquisition of cultural and symbolic capital for the country. It is from the point of view of the capacity of non-state actors to strengthen Brazil's reputation throughout the world, through their own interaction dynamics, a force not yet explored by the Brazilian government, which the present work intends to contribute to sociological studies and international relations in the field of cultural and cultural diplomacy

Within sociological research, scholars have increasingly examined the relationships between socially distant groups living in geographical proximity, taking into account the high degree of fragmentation characterizing the socio-spatial organization of contemporary Brazilian metropolises at micro-scale. Seeking to address the gap of qualitative research in this field, we aim at exploring whether the embeddedness of the shanty-towns Calabar, Vale das Pedrinhas and Bate Facho in an affluent region of Salvador widens their populations’ opportunities for socio-economic integration. Grounded on ninety semi-structured interviews, we will investigate the impact of neighborhood effects on the individuals’ living conditions and patterns of socio-economic mobility. Neighborhood effects will be examined at the material, social and symbolic dimension. We highlight four intervening variables, which characterize the relationships between socially distant groups and condition the individuals’ access to structures of opportunities: the affluent gated community dwellers’ higher demand in personal services and non-durable goods; the social segmentation in terms of access to urban services; the social avoidance except for employment relationships; the shanty-towns’ negative image as a crime ridden neighborhoods hosting a potentially dangerous population. Our results point at the ambiguous relationship between economic integration and social avoidance characterizing the cross-class interactions in these spatial settings. Taking into consideration the increasing social segmentation and the deterioration of public security in poor and segregated neighborhoods, the spatial dimension of poverty – considered as one of the prime explanations for the reproduction of social inequalities – might become more relevant for Brazilian studies and the agenda of urban policies. Given the resilience of structures of socio-spatial separation even in settings of spatial proximity between socially distant groups, neighborhood effects exert a significant influence on the individuals’ living conditions, such as their patterns of socio-economic mobility, daily interactions and self-perception of their vulnerability

This study search to apprehend the motivations for religious life and/or ministerial life in the contemporary world, especially at this moment that catholicism is diclining in Brazil. In opposition to fall the percentage of the catholics in Brazil, the number of diocesan priest and religious priest has grown continuously in the country last years. Based on discussions and problematization about relationship between religion and modernity , this study has as main purpose identify motivations and dispositions for man entering religious life or ministerial life, mapping their trajectories (personal and religious), their perceptions and representations about the Catholic Church and dilemmas of consecrated life. This qualitative and comparative study between religious and diocesans priest intend to demarcate similarities and differences concerning motivations and dipositions, practice, perceptions and representations about The Catholic Church as for example rising to Pope Francis, in addition to search understanding as experience the final vows and draw up dimension affective and sexual and forging their presbiteral identity. This research indicates also perceptions of the subjects about two most important current of catholicism: The Renewal Carismatic Catholic and Libertation Theology, analysing how this affiliations have had significant influence on practice and religious choice of priest.

This dissertation deals with the discussion promoted by the democratic theories about participatory democracy and deliberative democracy, but specifically about the concept of deliberation, participation and effectiveness, for determine the connections with the decentralized and participatory water management model adopted in the Bahia. Specifically, an analysis of the Itapicuru River Basin Committee in order to answer the central question of the research: how the deliberations of the members of River Basin Committees effectively interfere in the process of formulation and implementation of the Waters Policy of Bahia? The goal is develop a critical reflection on the participatory and deliberative of water management in our state. Therefore, semi-structured interviews, field diaries and the minutes and deliberations of plenary and ordinary meetings and legal and official documents were analyzed. We conclude that although the institutional design presents the essential elements for the effectiveness of the committee's deliberations, in practice the results show that the agreements and decisions taken at the plenary meetings are related to the structural and operational issues of the committee.

This thesis aims to present performance art both in its being held and remaining in the world via a collaborative flow between actors, artists, audiences, producers, public policy, and both traditional (e.g. galleries and museums) and non-traditional (e.g. streets and public spaces in general) art spaces. The terms to hold and remain are used both in the sense of its being sustained throughout a duration as a live event, and its longevity through traces such as photos, videos, written instructions and its material remains etc. These elements were gathered into an empirical research study, realized mainly in Brazil, but also during brief periods in Chile and Peru, and later in London, where the time devoted to research was more extensive, mostly consisting of documentary research at LADA – Live Art Development Agency. From the theoretical point of view, the approach aligns itself with the newer developments in sociology of art, but also highlights some insufficiencies of this sociology in thinking about performance art. Consequently, it has become necessary to explore concepts from outside the area, not only in sociology itself and anthropology (only making some indications regarding that issue), but also from philosophy, in terms of the resources it has recently offered the social sciences. Authors from the field of the arts were invited to discuss this sociological study.

Tourism is an activity that leads to a series of dynamic in places that incorporate, providing prospects for improving the quality of life of rural populations, acting as an inductor of the rural communitiesdevelopment. In this context of shift, the studies performed on rural areas, today, have increasingly addressed the issues related to the "new ruralities", and they are guided thus on questions about the functions developed in rural areas and about their social, cultural, economic and environmental dimensions. In this sense, the present study sought to analyze and understand the dynamics of rurality in the Caeté-Açu district, facing the development of the tourist activity located in Palmeiras municipality, Territory of Chapada Diamantina, Bahia. Therefore, it was decided to fulfill a case study, marked by qualitative approach, which made it possible to bring together multiple forms of data (interviews, observations and documents).Added to this, a few steps from the Analysis Methodology have been used - Diagnostic Activities systems under the approach of Gender and Generations, with the application of semi-structured forms to 40 families from the local community of the research, aiming to understand the lifestyles of its members, emphasizing the situation of women and young people, as the perspective of gender and generations transversalizes the subject of this study. The obtained results revealthat young people, motivated by the rapid assimilation of values originating in urban areas no longer show interest in treading the paths of their parents and grandparents in agriculture, and they are increasingly appreciating and embracing the non-farm work, which It consists of tasks less 'heavy' and more profitable, now tendered in the community, from the advent of tourism. The survey also revealed that with the exploitation of tourism, women began to participate more actively in trade, market and political life of the community. In addition, they play an important role in the construction of new ruralities doing silently the joints and 'seams' of the social fabric, involving the family unit, the community and its surroundings.