This research analyzes the impacts of the institute of Homologation of Extrajudicial
Settlements, introduced by Law No. 13,467/2017, on access to justice and labor relations within
the scope of the Regional Labor Court of the 5th Region (TRT5), covering the period from 2010 to
2024. The examination was supported by a theoretical framework that defines neoliberalism as a
normative rationality and a political project for the restoration of class power. The research
advances to investigate whether extrajudicial settlements have become an indicator of the social
precarization of labor, supporting the thesis that the Labor Reform imposed obstacles to litigation,
initially through restrictions on free justice and the collection of succumbency fees, forcing workers
to renounce their right to sue and accept disadvantageous agreements to guarantee funds of a
subsistence nature. Drawing on duly examined sociological concepts, the research situated the
homologation of extrajudicial settlements as a seventh type of social precarization of labor,
characterized by submission to “coercive harmony” and the institutionalization of sham litigation, in
which the payment of undisputed amounts is used by capital as a bargaining chip to obtain the
general and unrestricted discharge of the employment contract. The research conducts a historical
investigation of the institute of conciliation, aiming to demonstrate that its purpose is not to promote
social peace, but to guarantee celerity to the judiciary and, within the labor process, to reinforce
labor precarization. The data presented reveal significant growth in voluntary jurisdiction
procedures, predominantly in sectors with high labor turnover, distorting the essence of the legal
transaction. A massive adherence to the homologation of agreements is observed, noting an
omission by the judiciary in setting aside the general discharge clause in sentences rendered in
HTE proceedings, corroborating the legal certainty desired by the employer class.

This Master’s Thesis investigates the dynamics and elements of civil society participation in the replacement process of the Railway Suburb train system in Salvador. Situating urban politics as a field of contention, the study adopts a qualitative approach to analyze how civil society actors engaged in the construction of this urban mobility policy. Accordingly, the investigation follows an analytical itinerary to: (i) develop the theoretical-conceptual framework regarding civil society, collective action, and citizenship; (ii) discuss the literature on urban politics and the processes of governance neoliberalization to understand the structure of disputes and articulate theoretical categories into an analytical model; (iii) examine the trajectory of the train replacement during the Monorail Public-Private Partnership phase, mapping the project designs and interaction repertoires; and (iv) analyze the repertoires, experiences, interpretative frames, and perceptions during the Light Rail Transit (LRT) resumption phase. To operationalize this analysis, the methodology articulates a bibliographic review with documentary research of administrative contracts, projects, bidding processes, reports, research, civil inquiries, and lawsuits, combined with direct observation of public hearings and meetings, as well as semi-structured interviews with community, union, and social movement leaders. The data were systematized, coded, categorized, and interpreted via categorical content analysis. The results demonstrate that the process is marked by the vertical imposition of a technical and market-oriented rationality that disregards preexisting territorial dynamics, triggering the mobilization of a heterogeneous set of actors who employed repertoires of direct action, proximity politics, institutional participation, and legal mobilization to dispute the intervention’s direction. It is observed that, during the Monorail phase, strategic interaction with the Public Prosecutor's Office and the production of technical counter-expertise exposed the contract's fragilities and strained transparency. In the current LRT phase, a political opportunity structure more permeable to movement action was identified, due to the project's internalization within State structures. However, the capacity for broader intervention remained restrictive regarding macro-structural aspects. In this vein, collective action exploited fissures to set agendas and achieve material gains, such as the inclusion of structures for cargo transport and commitments to local and female employability. It is concluded, therefore, that the articulation of multiple interaction repertoires, even in the face of governance forms that seek to manage and/or instrumentalize conflict, enables action within windows of opportunity to influence public policy directions, shifting the conflict from the technical dimension of transport to struggles for recognition, permanence, and the defense of ways of life in the territory.

With the changes brought about by the 2017 labor reform (Law 13.467/2017), there was not only a profound alteration of the Consolidated Labor Laws (CLT), but also of the fundamental concepts of individual and collective labor law, and the functioning of the Labor Court system. Furthermore, the reform took place during a historical period of deep social, political, and economic crisis in the country. In this context, various and important academic studies were carried out on the reform from different perspectives, but studies on the role and contribution of the employers’ class in this process were scarce, which motivated the present research. The labor reform had the deep support of employers' organizations, which were actively involved in its formulation. Such a major change in labor relations in the country, as those imposed by the labor reform, necessarily involves fractions of the bourgeois class and diverse, often opposing, interests. In this context, the objective of the research was to analyze the role of the CNI (National Confederation of Industry), an institution representing the industrial fraction of the Brazilian bourgeoisie, in the formulation and defense of the 2017 labor reform, focusing on its ideological and politico-institutional tactics.The research methodology adopted a qualitative approach, using historical materialism as the theoretical-methodological framework and employing various data collection and analysis techniques, such as: bibliographic review and documentary research. Consequently, a content analysis was performed on the gathered documents. The main categories and concepts mobilized for the present research were: capitalism, as a concrete totality, with labor x capital as its main contradiction, socially expressed through the class struggle, in addition to specific mediations, such as: crisis, social classes, strategy, tactic, ideology, productive restructuring, globalization, neoliberalism, social precariousness of labor, labor flexibilization, and labor regulation.The results confirmed the assumptions that the CNI developed specific tactics to act against the emergence and consolidation of labor legislation and in favor of its flexibilization/precariousness, with the objective of intensifying the exploitation of the workforce; and the relationship between the labor reform idealized, defended by the CNI, and approved by the National Congress in 2017 with the process of labor legislation flexibilization, considering the context of the capital crisis recrudescence.

The main objective of this study is to identify and understand the interaction repertoires of the collective of social movements called "Articulação do Centro Antigo de Salvador" with the City Council of Salvador throughout the 19th legislature (2021-2024). To this end, the main demands for permanence in the territory and the struggle for housing claimed by the Articulação do Centro Antigo de Salvador during this legislature were analyzed, especially the advocacy for zero evictions and the agenda for the regulation of Special Zones of Social
Interest (ZEIS). This research engages with political process theory and a set of studies in Brazil that discuss participatory experiences and the concept of interaction repertoire, which emphasizes that one of the practices of social movements has been the search for building means of interaction with institutionalized public power, whether in formal or informal spaces. The study employed qualitative methods, literature review, and document analysis, relying on methodological procedures of semi-structured interviews with leaders of the Articulação do Centro Antigo de Salvador and some councilors from the 19th legislature, as well as secondary data collection from websites and the institutional platform of the City Council of Salvador. The study concluded that this collective organized itself as a network of social movements, unified through leadership and the recognition of common agendas. Among the interaction repertoires mobilized by them, protests and direct actions, as well as forms of action in institutional spaces in interaction with the City Council of Salvador, were highlighted, even though only a few councilors were engaged in dialogue.

This research analyzes the regulatory standard provided by the Bahian labor judiciary regarding the protection or lack thereof provided by Labor Law to lawyers linked to law firms that are structured as law firms operating in the Bahian legal labor market, based on the analysis of the case law of the Regional Labor Court of the 5th Region (Bahia) regarding the legal proceedings in which these professionals sought recognition of an employment relationship with the firms to which they were linked to practice their profession in the Bahian legal market, between the period 2000 and March 2024. The question is to what extent it is possible to affirm, or to what extent it can be affirmed, the establishment of limits, within the framework of the constitutional system of labor protection unsaturated by the constitutional order inaugurated in 1988 in Brazil, by this state subject of the regulatory arena, to the process of exploitation of the labor force of lawyers, considering this new professional morphology of the legal profession and its impacts. in the access to justice of these workers. The time frame aimed to capture the changes undergone by the professional practice of lawyers and their transposition to the arena of debate on social regulation, based on the consolidation of the neoliberal project in the Brazilian context, and also considering the relevant expansion of legal education and its impact on the number of professionals in the market. The main objective of the research is to identify the regulatory pattern provided by the Bahian labor judiciary regarding the protection or lack thereof provided by Labor Law to lawyers linked to law firms that are structured as law firms operating in the labor market in Bahia. To this end, an objective profile is drawn up extracted from the judgments; factual elements about labor relations as discussed in the decisions are analyzed, and the judicial position adopted in the cases regarding the recognition or non-recognition of the employment relationships pursued; the forms of professional insertion of the lawyer are verified, and consequent patterns of management and organization of work arising therefrom, based on the investigated judgments; the heterogeneity of the forms of professional insertion of the lawyer in the judged links is analyzed, the existence or not of discussion about the form of professional insertion of the lawyer, and consequent patterns of management and organization of work arising therefrom, and the precariousness of the work of the lawyer, articulation or not of foundations related to constitutional labor protection; and the pattern of social regulation of the work provided to these professionals by the Bahian Labor Judiciary, in the period analyzed, is identified, strengthening or weakening the constitutional labor protection of this category.

This research aims to analyze the uses, counter-uses, and social practices present on Rua da Paciência, after the revitalization of the waterfront in the Rio Vermelho neighborhood in Salvador. The revitalization is part of a larger project called the Nova Orla Project, carried out by the City Hall of Salvador, starting in 2014. The main objective of the project was to enhance the Rio Vermelho neighborhood as a place for consumption and tourism in the city, and for this purpose, throughout its process and implementation, it went through moments of disputes and tensions. The project was designed and executed to favor the higher social classes of the city, as well as Brazilian and foreign tourists. However, after the revitalization was completed, Rua da Paciência became the stage for processes of counter-uses and re-significations by the population, giving this space a new dimension. Nevertheless, these popular appropriations soon went through a process of surveillance and control. Nowadays, the counter-uses of Rua da Paciência no longer follow the same patterns as the previous effervescence, but they still maintain distinct meanings and appropriations by the population. Thus, highlighting a process of flows and refluxes of sociability in the area.

The aim of this study was to find out more about the work carried out by socio-educational workers responsible for the safety of adolescents deprived of their liberty in the Socio-Educational Care Community located in the city of Salvador, Bahia. Without disregarding the historical path of public policy aimed at adolescents in conflict with the law in Brazil, the study focuses on the work of the security agent within the doctrine of integral protection, a paradigm that developed with the approval of national and international legal frameworks at the end of the 20th century. Based on the analysis of official documents and semi-structured interviews with agents, it was possible to identify the duties formally described and how agents convert these prescriptions into practices in the challenge of reconciling the educational and security dimensions inscribed in their role, given the contingencies of working in the socio-educational unit. This process is largely marked by contradictions, which can be seen both in the bureaucratic guidelines, despite the rational ideal of modern institutions, and in the practice of the agent described here as a street-level bureaucrat. In this investigation, similarities and differences were detected in the way the agents act and the resources they mobilize with adolescents and colleagues. The heightened tensions present in socio-educational care also reveal the discretion exercised by agents and other professional groups in constant disputes over the legitimate exercise of authority over the adolescent in detention. Finally, the restrictions imposed on the agents as a result of their work were noted, especially in terms of leisure and mobility, as well as the scant recognition they receive for their work.

This dissertation aims to analyze the dialogue between the institutional innovations in the Administrative Improbity Law (LIA) of 1992 and the concepts of accountability. The central question this work seeks to answer is the following: how do the legal and institutional innovations introduced by the Administrative Improbity Law interact with—i.e., converge with, diverge from, or distance themselves from—the different conceptions of accountability?The research is guided by the following hypothesis: the legal and institutional innovations introduced by the revision of the LIA correspond to the goal of making accountability effective, thus playing a role in strengthening Brazilian democracy. The main findings of the research indicate that the institutional innovations regarding administrative improbity established during the military regime diverge from the concepts of accountability due to their incompatibility with the nature of authoritarian regimes. The transformation of horizontal accountability instituted in Brazil in the period following the promulgation of the 1988 Constitution and the LIA demonstrates a distancing from the concept of delegative democracy (O'Donnell, 1998; 2017), and an alignment with the conception of accountability strengthened by the respective institutional innovations. Through the methodological procedure of Content Analysis, used to specifically identify the effects of accountability in the LIA regarding the role of the Public Prosecutor’s Office, the absence of any mention in the legal framework of mechanisms for transparency of actions or injunctions to make members of this institution accountable was evidenced, especially in light of the clear ambiguity surrounding improbity by negligence and by intent (dolo).Although the institutional element of intent (dolo) has created the conditions to influence the actions of prosecutors when filing administrative improbity lawsuits—imposing stricter evidentiary requirements for the accusation—it is not directly associated with instruments that require them to be held accountable by an actor external to the institution.

This dissertation takes as its object the opposition between the concepts of republic and monarchy in the history of Brazilian political thought and analyzes the continuity between the 19th century liberal tradition and the republican political thought. It is assumed that Republicans emerged in the Brazilian political context, not as mere opponents of the monarchy or simple enthusiasts of the new ideas that circulated among the youth of the 1870s, but as interlocutors of the liberal tradition. In this sense, this investigation deals with democratic republicanism, expressing the era that delimited a specific group of sympathizers with the ideas of the Manifesto of 1870. The objective is to treat it as a political and intellectual movement that, despite the novelty of its discourse, is founded on the traditional aspiration of the Liberal Party of the Empire for a parliamentary, accountable and federalist government. The empirical cut is the essays listed as records of the history of Brazilian political thinking. The plot was built from a political debate that took place at the beginning of the 1860s between Zacarias de Góis and Vasconcelos and the Visconde of Uruguay around the Moderating Power, through the analysis of the Tavares Bastos case and their relationship, from the beginning devout, then cetic, with the monarchy, and finally, check us out theorists of republicanism, Assis Brasil and Alberto Sales, authors whose intention is to print the Brazilian political thought to asymmetrical antithesis between republic, modern and liberal, and monarchy, obsolete and absolutist. As a theoretical-methodological support, this work relies on Mark Bevir's perspective on the logic of the history of ideas, especially the heuristic meaning that he confers to the terms tradition and dilemma. It is concluded that democratic republicanism both revitalizes the themes of the liberal tradition of the empire in a new language and style of scientific thought, as it responds to the problematic image that exists among the liberals, after crisis of 1868, gives monarchy as a political system outdated and incapable of reform-it has in the sense of establishing itself, definitively, as self-government regime.

Caring for the homeless population, those dependent on alcohol and other psychoactive substances and those with HIV/Aids is one of the current challenges faced in Brazil. The National Public Health Policies that are specific to this issue are recent and partially unknown, in addition to a set of challenges that different health professionals face on a daily basis when interacting with this population. In this sense, this dissertation seeks to provide support for a better understanding of the work carried out in state public health services located in the municipality of Salvador-BA. The research aims to analyze a specific case: to identify the main problems that these professionals face at the Specialized State Center for Diagnosis, Assistance and Research (CEDAP) when dealing with individuals living on the streets, dependent on psychoactive substances and with HIV/Aids. In order to achieve this goal, we carried out an exploratory qualitative study, using both semi-structured interviews with various professional categories who work at CEDAP and participant observation in some of the Center's sectors. The results showed that welcoming and shared care between interdisciplinary teams, intersectoral networks and permanent education are fundamental elements for the development of national public policies aimed at this specific public

The diverse dynamics, movements, and forms of sociopolitical mobilization emerging in Brazil's popular territories have sparked growing interest in recent decades within sociology and anthropology, especially in urban studies. The debate surrounding the various forms of political organization, cultural resistance, and the construction of citizenship and identity has demonstrated that, beyond formal institutional bodies, distinct modes of activism and sociopolitical agency have been strengthening in urban peripheries and popular spaces. Concomitant with the consolidation of this agency, individuals can develop a redefinition of themselves, a (re)discovery of their identity based on countless transitions throughout their life trajectories. Thus, this research reflects on this tension between "being and acting" through the reconstruction of the life story of a community activist living in a popular area in the city of Salvador, Bairro da Paz. The analysis solidifies through understanding how the sociopolitical agency developed by individuals living in popular areas can reveal and (re)produce their own identity, while this place also transforms and rediscovers its collective identity. To this end, a qualitative methodological strategy was adopted, utilizing various research techniques and ethnographic analyses, particularly the "Life Story."

This dissertation investigates the cosmologies of death and the ritual devices of transcendence among the Balanta Patch of Guinea-Bissau, examining how this ethnic subgroup constructs meanings to cope with physical finitude and organises ceremonial practices that mediate the passage between the world of the living and the ancestral realm. The research is guided by the hypothesis that, within the Balanta Patch worldview, death does not represent a definitive rupture or an end in itself, but rather a relational process of cyclical reintegration into the world of the ancestors, sustained by local ontologies, cultural practices, and specific regimes of transcendence. The study adopted an ethnographic approach and was carried out in the community of N’tátilai (João Landim, Cacheu region) in two phases: from 15 to 25 February 2024, and from 5 January to 5 February 2025. Alongside informal conversations, semi-structured interviews were conducted with five interlocutors—mostly elders who are custodians of traditional knowledge—as well as participant observation and field diary recordings. The analysis identified three causal categories of death—natural, by witchcraft, and by transgression of pacts with Irã—each requiring specific ritual procedures. The Sing Ni Gritch (or “toka-choro”) emerges as a central rite, enabling communication between the material and spiritual planes and the incorporation of the deceased’s soul (Lidé) into the ancestral collective. This ritual is reserved for those who have completed the initiation cycles: fanado (circumcision) in the case of men, and marriage in the case of women. The absence of these rites may provoke systemic imbalances within the community. The findings reveal a social structure governed by age-based phases that determine ritual status and the type of funerary ceremony, while also documenting mechanisms for the preservation of ancestral cultural values amid contexts of change. In this sense, the study contributes to contemporary socio-anthropological debates on African cosmologies, ancestral regimes, and non-Western elaborations of death, showing how the Balanta Patch articulate life, death, and transcendence in a relational continuum that sustains community cohesion.

The 2023–2028 legislature represents the highest number of women in the history of Brazil’s Federal Chamber, with 93 female deputies occupying 18% of the seats. Despite this numerical progress, there is a consolidation of women aligned with the far right who act against historical gender equity agendas, configuring State antifeminism, which aims to institutionalize discourses and actions that react to achievements resulting from feminist struggles. Based on the hypothesis that the presence of antifeminist federal deputies contributes to legislative setbacks in promoting gender equity, this study analyzes how their discourses, proposals, and strategies are politically articulated. A total of 359 bills proposed by five Liberal Party (PL) deputies — Bia Kicis, Carla Zambelli, Caroline de Toni, Chris Tonietto, and Júlia Zanatta — are examined, of which 29 present explicitly antifeminist content. Their positions regarding the Equal Pay Law (14.611/2023), the Law to Combat Political Violence Against Women (14.192/2021), and the Statute of the Unborn are also investigated. Based on Laurence Bardin’s (2011) content analysis methodology, the empirical investigation is guided by three interdependent categories: neoliberalism, religious conservatism, and anti-gender politics. The model of political representation of these deputies is analyzed in light of Iris Marion Young’s theory (2006), which categorizes representation by perspective, opinion, and interest. The analysis reveals that the deputies operate within a discursive logic that combines economic interests, religiously based moral values, and an exclusionary and biologizing view of gender. The study also shows that, although there are efforts to consolidate State antifeminism in institutional politics, the presence and action of progressive, feminist, and femocratic women have been crucial in countering these advances. It is concluded that antifeminism in Parliament is not merely an ideological divergence but a deep dispute over the meaning of democracy and women’s rights in contemporary Brazil. It functions through a politics of exclusion, discipline, and both symbolic and material violence, mobilizing fear as a central emotion to sustain its power project, reaffirming that antifeminism is a strategic and structural counter-movement of the far right in contemporary Brazil.

This dissertation analyzes public policies aimed at the social reintegration of former inmates in Brazil and Argentina from 2015 to 2020, and assesses the extent to which Mercosur can serve as a forum for regional coordination on this topic. A qualitative approach was adopted, with a comparative perspective, based on a literature review and documentary analysis of legislation, institutional reports, and official statistical data. In the Brazilian case, a mandatory and structured national policy for former inmates was lacking, despite recent initiatives such as CNJ Resolution No. 307/2019 and the creation of Social Offices. In Argentina, policy for former inmates is marked by provincial decentralization and the uneven performance of the Patronatos de Libertados (Liberated Prison Boards), coupled with the weakness of programs such as POSPE and Integrar. In both countries, the low effectiveness of policies is compounded by the lack of systematic data on releases and recidivism, in addition to the social stigma that hinders reintegration into the labor market and the community. The comparative analysis shows that, although there are relevant regulatory and institutional efforts, a gap persists between legal frameworks and effective practices. The study concludes that Mercosur, despite not yet having developed specific initiatives on the topic, has the potential to foster regional cooperation on social reintegration through the harmonization of guidelines, the exchange of experiences, and the strengthening of joint commitments to human rights.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the historical trajectory of the black rural quilombola community of Dom João, located in the municipality of São Francisco do Conde, Bahia. I start from the assumption that this history is marked by the search for citizenship, which manifests itself through the struggle for land, work and ethnic recognition. I argue that the community's trajectory represents a practice of insurgent citizenship, and that its history is a critical and revealing case of the ways in which citizenship has been built in Brazil. The thesis is based on a case study of the quilombo's trajectory, which combines documentary research, narrative analysis and “observant participation”, and responds to three specific objectives and analytical levels: 1) the analysis of the quilombo's history of formation; 2) the territorial and environmental conflict that the community currently faces; and 3) the characterization of the forms of struggle engendered by the subjects of Dom João in their quest for citizenship. The process of formation of the community of Dom João dates back to the post-abolition period, when black communities were formed within the farms and sugar mills, on their bangs, or in mangrove areas, as a way of building a project of freedom and autonomy, and interrupting the cycle of migration that marked the trajectory of the black population of the Recôncavo da Bahia. I argue that the territorialization of the quilombo in the area in which it is located today represents a territorial recovery, and the realization of a “fishing project” that combines land, family and work. Telling the story of the community of Dom João is relevant because it was formed and reproduced on the margins of the wealth produced by regional economic cycles, and expresses a series of threats and successive processes of dispossession, including attempts at forced eviction. In the midst of the conflict experienced, the process of ethnogenesis as a quilombola community was an important milestone for the community's resistance, as it halted attempts at deterritorialization. When we analyze the trajectory of the Dom João quilombo, we see the emergence of a political subject that rebels against the two markers of inequality – race and land – that run through the trajectory of Brazil's rural black communities, and which set limits on their citizenship. The struggle in Dom João represents an insurgency in terms of affirming citizenship, a struggle for ethnic recognition, against racism and for the right to land.

There is no single way of being gay in the periphery. In Salvador, however, an interest in dance often mobilizes working-class gay men to form collectives (some of which are called “bonde”) around the practice of dancing. Within the broad universe of amateur dancers, this study is aimed at teenagers and young gay men who call themselves “flexible”. If flexibility is presumably a necessary quality for a dancer, extreme body flexibility is a defining property among these boys - both of themselves and of others. In the context in which I immersed myself, “flexibility” is itself the name of a practice, which includes the articulation of acrobatic and contortionist movements to choreographies, usually to funk music. Like a sportsman, “flexible” self-improvement is a must. Since learning is intrinsic to the practice in question, it is not possible to take part in it without undergoing intense training (so-called “stretching”) day after day. In this light, to accompany the “flexible” is to be involved in a path of learning and growth. In seeking to understand what is learned when one becomes “flexible”, this thesis focuses on the constitution of “flexible” persons based on a set of techniques and practical configurations that create and transform bodies, produce sensitivities and modulate ethical dispositions. It is true that learning can only take place through a body-to-body collaboration. It is also true, however, that collaboration is not enough to remove, even in the relationship between those who teach and those who learn, the core of this practice as a “confrontational dance: competition. In the wake of these lines of thought, I present, through participant observation and detailed descriptions, an ethnography organized around the following axes of analysis: i) the relationships between people and environments (which active exploration of the surrounding world, from learning onwards, is capable of establishing); ii) the sensory and metabolic regime that (almost always under the register of pain and sensory work on this experience) informs “flexibility” and its gymnastic movements; iii) a type of doing that also underlies learning - in addition to flexible bodies, “stretching” involves relationships (not merely didactic ones, by the way) between people; iv) the circuits of affinity and hostility, alliance and antagonism that irrigate a phenomenon whose practitioners are sometimes linked to different neighborhoods, groups and streetcars (often explosive encounters); v) the ethics and morality elaborated within the practice (more often than not promulgated non-verbally). This set of questions, which ultimately hint at some of my main findings, leads to certain conclusions. In a physical culture in which kinetic practice can also be understood as spatial realization, its learning is characterized as a generative practice par excellence. At various levels: in a key that combines care and aesthetics, this dynamic manufactures bodies and people, produces lineages, establishes hierarchies. Perhaps, however, the most original point presented by the analysis is how this ethnographic corpus calls for an ethic rooted in embodied virtues, an ethic which, concerned less with moral codes than with matters of composition, ends up rehabilitating rivalry. The “flexible” experience what would result in a “sportivization of life” as a force, because it is richly sensorial, capable of amplifying their action in the world. In this respect, if “flexibility” proposes and produces a world in which one's partner is first and foremost, or at least potentially, an adversary, the practice is in line with a bodily landscape found in anthropological literature aimed at the LGBTQIAPN+ population. The “carão”, in particular. It thus serves as an entry point for one of the possible shortcuts in the formation of this gesture, shown to be typical by a considerable body of work, and which denotes an attitude of encountering the other - under the register of a sense of superiority, of animosity if not.

The main theme of this thesis is to know the life trajectories of understanding how the reproductive decisions of seven quilombola women living in the communities of Baixão do Guaí and Guerém, in Maragogipe, Recôncavo da Bahia, have been crossed by material conditions, love and defense of their territory, considering the cleavages of race and gender, in an intersectional perspective. It is a qualitative research whose method of investigation is oral history in the life trajectory modality. To collect the information, notes from an extension project carried out between 2018 and 2019, bibliographic research and semi-structured interviews were used, presented to the women individually or collectively, respecting their decisions, so that it was possible to know how they built the struggle in defense of their territory from the time when the place was owned by influential farmers in the region to the present day, when the process of recognition as a quilombola community begins. The trajectory of these women changes in time and space, influenced by the conditions promoted according to the political, economic and social context. However, from the windows of opportunity that presented themselves, from the beginning of the construction of a Brazilian republican state with the institutional and structural residues of enslavement, to the consolidation of a democratic state of law, but which preserves the marks of racism in its core, these women articulated themselves in order to guarantee the recognition of their quilombola identity, as well as a justice subsidized in equity with regard to the right to the territory. Through such transformations, these women seek good living, plan the upbringing of their children, build the strengthening and defense of their community, experience romances and loves, but are also violated from the point of view of the right to their own bodies, abandoned by the poor, but they are also violated from the point of view of the right to their own bodies, helpless by poverty, victimized by obstetric violence, intimidated in their own homes by the insecurity of territorial possession. It was also identified that the logic of birth control still prevails in the way reproductive health policies are built. Thus, we analyze it in the light of the concept of Reproductive Justice, consideram that it is too articulated with the perspective of good living that the black women's movement has adopted as a parameter for its claims in the field of rights. Therefore, it is also possible to claim the right of black women to the recognition of their capacity to love and be loved from the understanding of love as an action, a right that has been historically denied, as one of the faces of dehumanization of these women.

This chapter presents a critical analysis of the energy transition in Brazil, focusing on the expansion of wind energy in the Northeast region, where such projects are implemented in territories historically marked by socioeconomic vulnerability and the presence of peasant communities. It problematizes the dominant discourse that portrays wind energy as a "clean" and sustainable solution, revealing how this narrative serves as a backdrop for a green grabbing mechanism involving the appropriation of natural resources and the dispossession of land from peasants under the justification of environmental sustainability. The Wind Farm Ventos de São Clemente, located in Caetés, Pernambuco, is the empirical locus where this scenario unfolds. In this context, the offering of royalties and social benefits by economic elites operates as a strategy to secure local acceptance of the projects while perpetuating unequal power relations and concealing social impacts that alter rural livelihoods and traditional community relations. The imposition of wind farms has generated internal conflicts related to access to land and resources, triggering family disputes and tensions among neighbors, thereby weakening the social ties essential to the reproduction of the peasant way of life. These impacts expose the inherent contradictions of capitalist technification in rural areas, which, by imposing industrial infrastructure onto peasant territories, disrupts the traditional socioecological metabolism grounded in natural cycles and locally adapted practices. In this scenario, the resistance of peasant communities — as they demand the social reappropriation of nature and the right to define their development strategies — emerges as an attempt to reestablish a more balanced society-nature relationship, in which technology serves life rather than the logic of capital.

This thesis aimed to analyze the relationship between neoliberal globalization and the
establishment of a border regime characterized by a selective mediation of (un)desired flows
that penalizes and stigmatizes the mobility of workers or families originating from countries on
the periphery of the global capitalist system to central regions and countries of the system.
Regarding methodology, the research is characterized by an interdisciplinary approach that
intertwines historical, ethnographic, and theoretical elements, combining different sources and
varied techniques. Through a systematic analysis of the bibliography composed of indirect
documentation, from primary and secondary sources, a theoretical-analytical approach was
sought (see part 1) with an emphasis on the norms and regulations (official documents and
legislation lato sensu) on the External Borders of the Member States of the European Union.
As for the exploratory field approach (see part 2), the research is based on a qualitative approach
carried out through the collection, listening, systematization, and compilation of journalistic
news, used in conjunction with direct observation data carried out in the city of El Masnou,
Catalunya, as well as direct observation and the application of narrative, unstructured
interviews carried out with Moroccan workers (transfronterizos) and other local interlocutors
in Ceuta, a Spanish autonomous city located on the African continent. In this sense, the research
also examines the experiences of subjects who face violence, stigmatization, and precariousness
in their border experiences, revealing the contradictions between the discourse of free capital
circulation and the restriction of human mobility. The study reveals how borders shape
subjectivities and impact the lives of individuals who cross them, especially marginalized
groups, such as unaccompanied young migrants and cross-border workers. The thesis concludes
that subaltern mobility, understood as a fundamental political act, represents a direct challenge
to global inequalities and paves the way for imagining more inclusive and just forms of global
citizenship

This research investigates how individuals construct the decision-making process for bariatric surgery. Bariatric surgery (gastroplasty) is a surgical procedure aimed at drastically reducing a patient’s stomach to accelerate weight loss, focusing on the regression of comorbidities. The approach proposed herein to understand the decision for gastroplasty is based on participants’ narratives of their bariatric surgery experiences, adopting an interpretative stance toward the elements involved in this decision. This approach deviates from the direct debate on the medicalization of fat and sets aside the category of “obesity”. This distancing was necessary to enable an analysis that could encompass the complexity of the elements involved in the collected narratives. By setting aside the category of obesity, a specific categorization was established to understand how fatness is experienced throughout the individuals’ biographies: “weight” (body mass) and “body fat” (aesthetic and spatial dimension) are conceptualized as categories whose constituent elements can be experienced independently by individuals. Thirteen narratives were analyzed, collected from semi-structured interviews conducted online via voice or video calls. Given the insufficiency of dominant approaches in the Brazilian Social Sciences to interpret the collected data, this study adopted a theoretical framework grounded in authors from phenomenological-based Social Sciences. This theoretical framework, in conjunction with the methodology proposed herein, allowed for conclusions that reject the decision for bariatric surgery as being determined by the social effects of the medicalization of fat (e.g., stigmatization and pressure for aesthetic conformity). This thesis argues, therefore, that no specific element determines this decision. Rather, it is constructed from experiences of fatness established throughout the individuals’ biographies and emerges as a possible therapy within a “project” aimed at overcoming a lived “illness experience” (experiência de adoecimento). This illness is understood as any lived situation signified by the individual as a “limit-situation” that impedes the normal unfolding of their biographical flow and, ultimately, threatens their biographical continuity (potentially leading to extreme physical or psychological suffering, or death).

The present dissertation consists of an analysis on the theme of patrimonialism in
thetwo largest circulation newspapers in Brazil, namely Folha de São Paulo and O
Globo.Columns and editorials published from January 2016, the month when the
Leftist government fell and the Center rose to power, until December 2021, a period
in which the Right was in power, were scrutinized. For the purpose of this
dissertation, 122 newspaper articles were analyzed from both newspapers,
comprising 69 columns fromFolha de São Paulo and 53 from O Globo, along with
40 editorials from both newspapers, including 16 from Folha de São Paulo and 24
from O Globo. The study aims to provide a sociological analysis of how
patrimonialism evolved from a sociological concept to become an integral part of the
media-public debate. Through this investigation, the dynamics established among
the media, political, and sociological spheres are examined to identify points of
convergence and divergence between these fields. The analysis of editorial
columns, central to public communication, proves essential in revealing the stance
of journalists affiliated with media conglomerate and even the opinion of newspapers
through editorials. From theconducted analysis, prevalent arguments were identified
and, drawing on the Grounded Theory of data, these arguments were categorized
into three main groups: Political-moral Argument, Conceptual Argument, and
Economic Argument. Several software tools, such as ATLAS.ti, were employed for
data coding and categorization in the research. Additionally, the Python
programming language was utilized for data scraping. Despite being distinct
newspapers, a significant alignment is observed between them, along with a
noticeable prioritization of arguments to characterize patrimonialism and its current
development. Thus, this finding supports the argument that investigating columns
and editorials allows for the identification of diverse opinions that communication
institutions advocate in the public debate.

This dissertation aims to discuss the relationships between humans and non-humans based on the
example of a bond established between a falconer and a raptor in order to enter into the discussions
that involve such relationships within sociology and anthropology. The general overview of
discussions about animals in the social sciences is presented by questioning conceptual approaches
in the social sciences that are anchored in human exceptionalism to the detriment of non-human
species. Conceptual renewals are exposed as means of highlighting the exhaustion of certain lines of
thought that do not adapt to the current scenario of discussions about animals as part of social life.
What makes this research relevant is not only the quest to contribute as a new discussion on the
subject, but also to bring as an example animals that are not commonly presented as examples for the
analysis of the topic: birds of prey. As a continuation of an interest that comes from graduation, this
work proposes a deeper look at the practice of falconry as an ancient art that is anchored in the
development of the bond between bird and falconer and that is developed with both as active and
equally important participants, considerably challenging the conceptualization of domestication as
coercion and agency as non-existent in non-human animals. This is a case study based on a qualitative
investigation into the book H Is For Hawk, by british author Helen Macdonald, which proved to be
an interesting way to understand the nuances of the relationship between falconer and goshawk in the
midst of the inherent stages falconry training, with its tools, methods and practices

This master's thesis deals with an analysis of the representation of "caipira" music in the
works of contemporary "violeiros" (Brazilian folk guitarists), aiming to investigate how
their songs express the cultural elements that are part of the rural tradition, specifically
within the interior of Minas Gerais. To achieve this objective, we discuss, in the first
chapter, a brief history of "caipira" music from its Iberian origins to its establishment as
a musical genre through the phonographic industry. In the second chapter, we explore the
establishment of the research field of Sociology of Music and Tradition, where our work
is situated. In the third chapter, we engage in a discussion of the "caipira" genre, seeking
to understand, through the albums "Louvação" by Chico Lobo, "Lume" by Wilson Dias,
and "Terra boa" by Pereira da Viola, the thematic elements that characterize them as
"caipira" music. Finally, the sociological analysis of these songs was conducted using the
method of musical decomposition

Having as the main objective to analyze the sociogenesis of bolsonarism as a
potentially populist movement based on digital platforms, we sectioned this current dissertation
into three chapters. In the first chapter, we present some approaches and concepts about
populism, desiring to construct a proper definition suitable to the contemporaneous Brazilian
political circumstances, in addition to an analysis of populism trajectory in the history of
democracy and the country and the digital populism techniques. In the second chapter, we
analyze the three most fundamental issues to the bolsonarist speech, connected to Carlos
Alberto Brilhante Ustra’s anticommunism, the convocation to cultural wars by Olavo de
Carvalho, and the emergence of digital populism by the existence of a perfect antagonist,
through petism. Lastly, in the third chapter, we analyze bolsonarism not as an ideology but
through its human component: the popular blocs that consubstantiate them; the use of digital
populism techniques to homogenize the masses; and, finally, the own aesthetic, the culture and
the language of bolsonarism.

This dissertation investigates the representation of picho in the Historic Center of Salvador
(CHS) from the perspective of sociological aesthetics, approaching practice as
artistic expression inserted in an urban context with a significant historical burden. The study
explores picho as a subversive aesthetic manifestation, at the same time that it analyzes the
social dynamics that permeate this practice in the specific space of the CHS. The search
contextualizes graffiti in the contemporary plastic and visual arts scene, in addition to
examine the complex interaction between taggers and the city, revealing how their
aesthetic choices are influenced by a subjectivity deeply connected to
urban experience. The practice of graffiti presents specific technical criteria and demands
a certain expertise on the part of its practitioners who, in the process of artistic creation,
develop skills in writing styles, spray techniques and the use of
strategy of urban spaces. The analysis also revealed internal tensions within the community
tagger, highlighting issues of power, gender and the unspoken rules that govern the practice.
Thus, the research contributes to a broader understanding of graffiti as a
artistic phenomenon that, therefore, is capable of providing evidence for various aspects of
social reality

The study points to the homeless phenomenon as something historically sedimented through the “plot” that surrounds it, located, within the scope of its problem, in the lack of access to land property and/or formally commodified housing, for poor people, since the beginnings of Brazil. At the same time, it is identified that Brazilian housing policies were unsatisfactory in terms of definitively overcoming the housing deficit and inequalities in housing and housing - despite advances. Faced with the unavoidable experience of homeless social movements like the one we present here, poor people are still impelled to resolve their adversities in the area of housing and housing through their own devices: they play with the laws and refuse to give up amidst the structures of access to housing orchestrated by capital and the State.

This research analyzes the union organization in the municipal public sector and its mechanisms of action before the municipal public entity, considering the context of precarious work in the municipal public service, with a case study of the collective organization of civil servants in the municipality of Candeias. It starts from the following question: given the relationship between the municipal administration and public sector workers of neoliberal policies adopted by municipal administrations, especially the legally imposed limitations on the implementation of readjustments and spending on personnel and the increase in primary expenses, to what extent do the strategies of struggle and collective action of municipal civil servants contribute to the maintenance of rights and advances for civil servants in the negotiation for improved social and working conditions? Initially, the analysis is limited to the period between 2014 and 2018, estimating that the time frame allows covering the struggle strategies because it represents a time limit that includes half of two municipal terms with a pre-election period, whose sample can be representative of the collective action of the workers, without, however, making it impossible to mention struggle strategies and mechanisms previously used. The case study is guided by the collection of data on the forms of collective action of the civil servants of the municipality of Candeias, building a picture of the concrete reality to be analyzed. Then, the struggle strategies of the workers were mapped and analyzed, based on semi-structured interviews with union leaders and workers of the municipality, seeking to answer the research question through the path presented in the research methods and procedures. The main objective of this research is to map and analyze the strategies of struggle of workers in the municipal public sector of the collective organizations of municipal employees of Candeias in the maintenance of rights and improvement of working conditions, salary adjustments and remuneration gains in the context of intensification of the neoliberal offensive and fiscal adjustments. To this end, we seek to identify the forms of action and strategies of struggle of the public unionism of the municipality of Candeias; to identify the positions and arguments of the State in reaction to the union action; to analyze the strategies of struggle as a way of overcoming the arguments of the State; and to identify and analyze the fruits and consequences of the union action.

This research aims to understand the impacts of corporate sustainability on the incentivized cultural sponsorship market. As this agenda establishes a new moral and best practices orientation in the selection of projects through the Rouanet Law, the hypothesis discussed and proven was that the change in demand from sponsoring companies has implied a modification of the concept of control (Fligstein 2001) of the selling agents (proposers and intermediaries) in the field, guiding their competitive practices. In the case of proposers, the influence of the ESG agenda was observed mainly in the sales pitch of projects. Regarding intermediaries, specialized social techs in private social investment appear as the product of a market moment guided by a sustainable investment dynamic. In terms of the social conditions of discursive production, sustainable development still appears as the fundamental argument responsible for the resumption of the legitimacy of economic exchanges carried out within the framework of the Law, after the institutional and symbolic dismantling promoted by the government led by Bolsonaro.

This master’s thesis aimed to describe the trajectory of professional insertion of the
users of the Franco Basaglia Psychosocial Care Center (CAPS) into the labor market in
Salvador. A qualitative research methodology was employed, starting with a bibliographic
review on the relationship between mental health and work. Subsequently, direct observations
were conducted at CAPS Franco Basaglia (where the interviews were also carried out) to
understand the service's dynamics, the profile of the individuals served, geographic challenges
and opportunities, and the services offered. The research included the participation of thirteen
individuals: nine men and four women, according to the criterion of self-identification. This
study utilized semi-structured interviews, which were recorded and transcribed. The thesis is
organized into three chapters. The first chapter thoroughly discusses the work processes at
Psychosocial Care Centers, their strategies, tools, instruments of care, working hours,
challenges, and potentialities regarding the use of work as a means of social inclusion.
Continuing, the second chapter provides an analysis of CAPS Franco Basaglia, located in
Piatã, Salvador, and the therapeutic journeys of the participants within this health service.
Lastly, the third chapter presents a theoretical-practical articulation about the trajectory of
some CAPS users in the labor market. At the end of the analysis, it was understood that the
CAPS contributed to a change in the understanding of the relationship between mental health
and work. If before the work functions were understood as a kind of mental orthopedics, from
the Psychosocial Care Centers, work became one of the pillars for the psychosocial
rehabilitation policy. On the other hand, the precariousness and exploitation of the workforce
typical of the contemporary capitalist system and the processes of stigmatization hinder the
viability of a dignified life, with the guarantee of rights and political, social, cultural, material
and symbolic links that favor the autonomy and emancipation of people who suffer from
some type of mental disorder.

This research aimed to characterize the high-end real estate production invested in the
Horto Florestal neighborhood, located in Salvador city, capital of Bahia state. Due to the
significant development expansion seen in recent years, an important process of real
estate appreciation is gaining strength in the capital of Bahia. This work is part of the
field of studies on the dynamics of real estate market and residential production in the
form of private development. Therefore, I take as a guiding thread the link between
high-end real estate production and the successive transformations in the built space of
Horto Florestal, from the initial lant plotting that used to stablish exclusively residential
single-family units for its use and occupation, to the consolidation of a high-end
verticalized neighborhood. I identify the local real estate corporations as the main and
first social agent in the mobilization for the production of space. Based on this, I
investigate the performance of this agent, examining the socioeconomic profile of the
incorporating companies, describing their development practices in the local market.
Finally, the text hypothesizes the relationship between real estate production and the
transformation of the social-espacial order of Horto Florestal in three “waves”, through
successive investments in complex use values. Working alongside with the mediation of
resident’s association, this results in a new "socio-spatial composition" on an urban
scale. This dynamic of reproduction of real estate value carried out by the incorporating
capital produces a spiral movement of convergence of new investments, with an
effective transformation of the urban order, creating a mosaic of positive externalities
and continuous reproduction of value in the spatial order.

This research is based on documentary sources and it aims to investigate the intellectual and
social trajectories of Martiniano Eliseu do Bomfim, a black intellectual man originated from
African Brazilian diaspora, and to ascertain his interactions with “traditional” intellectuals over
time. The main goal of this research is to comprehend how Martiniano’s work was appropriated
by these intellectuals and how he positioned himself within these interactions, analyzing the
relationship dynamics between different social actors. To achieve this goal, we chose the
ethnohistorical approach, supported by primary and secondary sources, such as depositions,
interviews, books, scientific and journalistic articles. We utilized categories such as “multiple
identities” and “agency” and took inspiration from Cultural Studies. Beyond that, we ascertain
the social and historical context in which these intellectual exchanges occurred. By the end of
this research, the complex relationships among Martiniano Eliseu do Bomfim and those
considered traditional intellectuals will be thoroughly analyzed. The historical
contextualization revealed that Martiniano lived in an era when intellectuals were influenced
and limited by a worldview determined by that era’s current paradigms. Although, as criticism
related to academic elitism rose, the relationship analysis could be reviewed from a new
perspective which valued the protagonism of actors that didn’t belong among the privileged
group, whether in a symbolic or economic way, that ruled this country’s scientific field.
Understanding Martianiano’s views demanded an analytic “appropriation” of our own,
resorting to theoretical and methodological approaches that allowed us to operationalize
concepts such as agency, rupturing with reductionisms and recognizing the existence of
multiple identities. In this sense, Martiniano can be understood as a man who faced dilemmas
and contradictions in the construction of his own identity as a black and Brazilian intellectual.
This study aims to contribute to the enlargement of the knowledge about African Brazilian and
Black Diaspora and its role in the construction of Brazilian’s intellectuality and culture.

The Fulni-ô are part of the indigenous peoples of northeastern Brazil, with a long history of social interaction with the national society. Their territory is located in the municipality of Águas Belas, Pernambuco, and their ownership was recognized by royal documents in 1700. Historically referred to as Carnijó until the mid-20th century, evidence suggests that their familial origins trace back to pre-colonial peoples, such as the Tapuia-Tarairiu led by Chief Drarug (Janduí), archaeological artifacts, and artistic works like Albert Eckhout's 17th-century painting "Dança Taraíriu." Their interactions with the national society have been marked by wars, peace agreements, political relations, resistance, divisions, diseases, and famine. Their resilience is anchored in yaathê (native language), the sacred Ouricuri villages, and a social organization where secrecy and spirituality are essential to maintain a certain distance from other societies. Musical expressions are significant means for this people to intensify their internal actions, but also to connect with the world. The division with the formation of another Sacred Village and the COVID-19 pandemic deeply impacted the Fulni-ô's musical movement across the country, requiring them to reinvent themselves in terms of group formation and explore other forms of artisticcultural production to navigate the crisis. The "musicar" Fulni-ô, through cafurnaunakesa groups, has been a vehicle to broaden cultural interactions and secure recognition and rights, integrating art as a form of activism. Through their musical practices, the Fulni-ô express their cosmology, but also actively engage with the external world, using art and culture to claim rights and strengthen their ancestral connections.

This research has two main objectives. The first one is to record, in academic language, stories known to many people in East Timor - and to those interested in the country's politics - but which are often made invisible and forgotten in official records. The second objective is to carry out a case study that analyzes women's political activity, understanding it as complex, intentional, articulated and collective. From a decolonial and feminist theoretical perspective, I analyze and record what a group of women did for the Timorese cause and, from a sociological perspective, I expose this action based on elements that characterize decolonial and feminist pedagogies, understanding these pedagogies as a struggle movement and constant and collective learning towards a common political objective. This doctoral thesis initially addresses the political and intellectual formation of a group of women who played a fundamental role during the years of struggle for East Timor´s independence. Based on this education, I present how these women acted in different areas - educational, cultural, party-political and diplomatic - mobilizing networks, knowledge and multiplying learning around the ideals of national liberation, which they propagated as a right of Timorese people, especially of Timorese women. As a result of the research, I present this process, in dialogue with a central concept in the political history of East Timor, calling it “Buibere pedagogy”, which is a form of political engagement that is linked to constant learning. This praxis between learning and political struggle multiplied the knowledge acquired by them through debates, campaigns, confrontations, collective construction and survival strategies and political and diplomatic mobilization that these women carried out over the 24 years of struggle for Timor-Leste's independence. Furthermore, the recording of these forms of political action contributes to the valorization of women's life stories and the inclusion of other dimensions of official national history, intentionally acting against the erasure and invisibility of women's place in politics.

In this thesis, I analyze the political imaginary of human rights in Brazil, focusing on discursive practices that advocate for justice and truth for the victims of state violence during the civil-military dictatorship. Empirically, the analysis begins with Brazil's condemnations by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in the cases of the Araguaia Guerrilla and journalist Vladimir Herzog. Examine the antagonistic disputes in the field of discursive practices, using the Amnesty Law as a starting point to observe the sociopolitical dimensions of the phenomenon. To describe the political imaginary of human rights, the analysis relies on two theoretical axes. The first, based on López (2018), addresses representations, discourses, and social technologies. The second, grounded in Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory (2015), uses the concepts of empty signifier, antagonism, and hegemony to understand opposition to human rights as discursive practices that seek to deconstruct and recreate them on conservative bases. Methodologically, this study employs research and documentary analysis from the Court and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. To construct the sociohistory of human rights, it relies on specialized literature, widely circulated newspapers in Brazil, and documents from various Brazilian organizations. Observing national reconciliation as an expression of the political imaginary reveals that the meanings attributed to the Amnesty Law are contingent and precarious, not a universal consensus. Amnesty is a field of dispute among agencies, seeking to unite different worldviews and social demands. Both the axes of construction and deconstruction vie for social recognition and political legitimacy of the human rights imaginary in Brazil, with trajectories that intersect and possess varying degrees of autonomy over the last few decades. 

With the enactment of Law no. 13.104 in March 2015, feminicide was included in the Brazilian Penal Code as a type of aggravated homicide, opening up a new field of possibilities for the interpretation, processing, and prosecution of female homicides committed for reasons of gender, or, in the form enshrined in the law, “for reasons of the condition of the female sex”. In view of this, this research investigates the framing practices of violent female deaths by the criminal justice system in Salvador (BA), in order to understand how deaths have been framed as feminicide. Initially, we discussed the concept of feminicide, recovering the paths and translations of the word, from the first definitions to the critical revisions of intersectional and transfeminist points of view; up until its consecration as a norm, as it was incorporated into Brazilian legislation. From a qualitative approach, we used documentary analysis of police inquiries, complaints, and court cases, and the observation of trial sessions of the Jury Court, referring to cases of attempted or completed female homicides occurring in Salvador between 2015 and 2021, including cases with transexual victims. The narratives about the cases reveal a variety of contexts, motivations, and modus operandi, which were classified into 7 scenarios in which different power dynamics interact: couple relationships; family relationships; neighborhood relationships; sexual violence; prostitution; police violence and organized crime. By observing the framing operations carried out at different stages of the criminal process in each of the scenarios, we identified three types of naming trajectory: linear trajectories, in which the cases are recognized at all procedural stages; uneven trajectories, in which feminicide is recognized by some actors in the criminal system, but not by others; and non-naming trajectories. We also discuss some obstacles and facilitators to the incorporation of feminicide into the practices of the criminal justice system, analyzing the learning processes of the system and its actors, both in terms of the practical handling of the legal categories established by the Feminicide Law and the gender literacy required to interpret the cases. Although we see the incorporation of discourses on violent deaths of females based on gender perspectives, the logic of the “crime of passion” remains present, both in police practices of recording and taking statements and in speeches in the Jury Court. Crimes that occur in the context of couple relationships find it easier to be classified as feminicide, but there are still challenges in recognizing “domestic and family violence” as a circumstance of feminicide. Cases occurring in other contexts face greater challenges in being named, even if the gendered nature is evident in the practice of sexual violence or in the excessive violence against the victims's bodies, demonstrating a greater difficulty in using the category “contempt for, or discrimination against, the status of being a woman”. Although we found one case with a transexual victim reported as feminicide, the processing of crimes of this nature still comes up against the cisnormativity prevailing in the criminal justice system, expressed in the absence of categories for recording and classifying trans people, the lack of preparation of its operators in terms of the treatment of victims, as well as the precariousness of investigations. We conclude that the construction of death as feminicide does not obey strict criteria, but is a complex and uneven process that involves different actors and stages of the criminal justice system, and whose logics for delimiting what goes in and what stays out of the boundaries of naming are often not evident. 

The present work aims to analyze the existing relationships between the emotional suffering of graduate students in Human Sciences at the Federal University of Bahia and the context of training
of these researchers, seeking to investigate the social and political context of formation of
graduate students, to identify the emotional suffering that exists among graduate students in Human Sciences and to understand whether there are relationships between the context
experienced in graduate school and the emotional suffering triggered. The context in which the
individual is inserted is directly related to the forms of emotional suffering that
manifest, so the social study of emotions contributes to deconstructing
exclusively psychological about the subject, considering it from a sociological perspective
in which social, cultural, economic and political factors influence the ways of
expression and construction of their emotions. Considering the neoliberal effects on society
contemporary, postgraduate studies, as an integral part of the social sphere, suffer from the
consequences that this current system entails, among them the emotional impacts
that has affected several researchers, therefore, seeking to understand how students
of postgraduate studies in human sciences has been dealing with the impacts of this social and
policy and the aspects related to its formation process, is that the present work turns
to analyze the emotional suffering of graduate students, through a
qualitative approach, having as an empirical cut the postgraduate students in Human Sciences
from the Federal University of Bahia.

This work analyzes the political struggle of domestic workers and union leaders
organized in Sindoméstico-Bahia in the process of approving and implementing the call
Household PEC. The research was carried out with the interview of these women, who spoke the
approximation process in relation to the organized movement of domestic workers and
the union; reported their experiences as poor black women both in the houses where
worked and in the political spaces for which they acted and act; and discussed the agency
that they had in the approval and implementation of the Constitutional Amendment, as well as in the struggles
current struggles in the union and other collective spaces in the region. Our analysis if
took into account the intersectional perspective that sought to articulate the dimensions of race,
gender, class and generation. Our investigation points to the way in which these women
appropriate and build knowledge about the reality of oppression that crosses them,
reframe the social markers that mark their place in the world as women
mature and elderly black domestic workers, and enhance their unique existence and
collective from the processes of struggle and resistance.

The present dissertation deals with the dynamics of punishment beyond prison present in the reports of former prisoners, users of the Social Office of Bahia. The research's main objective is to analyze under which aspects the State, which holds racism as a structuring pillar, acts in maintaining punishment as a constant in the trajectory of black people who have passed through punitive networks. Thus, based on the notion of racism as a substantive variable of the penal system, the work is dedicated to analyzing the interviews collected in the field and discussing, based on the narratives of these former prisoners, the technologies of punishment that permeate these people's lives. For this, this dissertation dialogues with issues related to gender, electronic monitoring, social policies for graduates, and also with the theme of resocialization. The results obtained show that the modus operandi of the punitive device is structured in such a way as to keep these bodies selected to lead their ranks in a permanent condition of punishment, whether due to marginalization and/or the absence of rights and opportunities, or for issues more directly linked to the functioning of institutions, perpetuating a punitive dynamic that goes beyond the scope of prison.

This work discusses the concept of Magical Realism and its relation to the film "The Dance of Reality" by Chilean filmmaker Alejandro Jodorowsky. Magical Realism is a Latin American artistic and literary movement that portrays everyday reality through magical, unusual, and supernatural elements. "The Dance of Reality" explores the director's childhood in Chile, blending biographical elements with allegories, magical representations, and social issues of the Chilean context in the 1930s/1940s, such as the severe economic crisis, poverty, fascist government, and mutilated mine workers. Jodorowsky illustrates family relationships, conflicts surrounding masculinity, authoritarianism, and religiousness. We employ Friedrich Jameson's theoretical framework to highlight the expressions of Magical Realism in the film, including its historical nature, distinctive coloration, and altered narrative dynamics that emphasize violence and, to a lesser extent, sexuality. The analysis of the film is grounded in sociological, aesthetic, and film theories, employing shot analysis as a technique of analysis

This research seeks to understand the meanings attributed to violent death and the (in)security
experienced by military police officers during off-duty periods. The study was carried out
within the scope of qualitative research, had institutional authorization for its realization and
interviewed professionals from the Military Police of the State of Bahia - PMBA. The field of
research included visits to the Department of Social Promotion and semi-directive interviews
carried out in Independent Military Police Companies, Emergency Care Unit, Specialized
Policing Command, Restaurant, Hospitals, Battalions and General Command. The study
mobilized conceptual and empirical lenses related to professional identity, police culture,
professional risk, the dynamics of violent deaths and hidden victims or survivors and their
processes of coping with grief. Some findings indicate: the existence of a state of professional
conformism and individual initiatives in the face of the violent death of off-duty police
officers; that the institutional support network for coping with police mourning is deficient;
the need to consider the meaning of police slack from the perspective of professionals; that
aspects of the police officers' immediate social and professional context contribute
significantly to a specific perception of security; that the internalization of the police mandate
in the professional identity can explain the willingness to act as police officers, in their spare
time, putting themselves at risk. Finally, he indicated responsibilities that encompass the
agency of the professional, but also of the organization in the face of professional risk and the
internalization of the police mandate. The research also analyzes the complex relationship that
police officers may have with firearms, an aspect that can mitigate or enhance the risks
perceived by these professionals.

This dissertation, motivated by the intense circulation of liberal ideas in Brazil in recent years,
investigates the ideas of career diplomat and renowned liberal intellectual, José Guilherme
Merquior (1941-1991). The research is carried out in the context of Brazilian political thought
and, by highlighting how Merquior thinks about the country, it aims to justify his importance
to the field in question. The work is concerned with Merquior's theoretical production from
1979 onwards, when his liberal turn and his position in favor of modernity and progress are
clear and his texts explore more of the field of political and social theory, in the Brazilian case
with a view to the question of democracy. Scrutinizing this author's thinking with Brazil as
the object takes up the problem of the relationship between liberal values and Brazilian
reality. The research suggestion found in Gildo Marçal Brandão's work on the lineages of
Brazilian political thought offers a perspective, which this dissertation pursues, that allows us
to visualize a heterogeneity within a given ideology when he says that there is no relationship
of homology between organic idealism and conservatism or constitutional idealism and
liberalism. In this way, when the research here suggests an affinity between organic idealism
and liberalism by José Guilherme Merquior, it also aims to contribute as well to the very
understanding of Brazilian liberal thought, so that it can be perceived in its plurality. In
Merquior's case, this can be seen in how he understands progress - an inclusive improvement
of the human race - which means that his historical-processual vision applied to Brazil, based
on the dialectic of the state and civil society alternating in responsibility for social
development, does not position these two poles as anathemas to each other. The Brazilian
path appears, under the concept of “other West", as an original modulation of the Western
tradition, to have its problems of social integration solved by creative and complete
assimilation of modernity, which would require both a re-functionalization of the state as a
promoter and protector and the institutionalization of the liberal-democratic synthesis. From
this emerges a liberal conscience with social concerns which, from Merquior's perspective, is
the effective way to relate liberalism to Brazilian reality without betraying its presuppositions
and without reviving reactionary attitudes

The main objective of this research is to identify and understand the meanings that permeate the quotidian of old adults incarcerated in a Brazilian prison. It is evident that the presence of elderly people in prisons has become a reality in Brazil, whereas, between the years 2005 and 2022, there was a significant increase from 1,350 to 14,712 inmates aged above 60 years old. That way, when considering that the old age is a social construct and that prison is part of a punitive device that pursues and deepens vulnerabilities, there is a need to study the specific configurations of prison experiences from the perspective of incarcerated old adults. Therefore, to achieve the intended objective, the research was developed through a qualitative approach and the use of direct observation techniques and the application of semi-structured interviews. This study had the participation of 12 men aged 60 years or older who were serving a custodial sentence at Lemos Brito Penitentiary, an prisional facility located in the city of Salvador, state of Bahia, Brazil. The collected data were treated through categorical content analysis. The entire research was guided by the epistemological approach of Reflective Sociology, a posture based on vigilant action in a enffort to break up with common sense concepts. Thus, throughout the study, it was verified that the interviewed persons, reported past experiences marked by social positions of vulnerability, despite having heterogeneous geographic and generational contexts. It was observed that several conceptions spread in common sense about aging also manifest themselves in prison. It was identified that time as a measure of the sentence can assume a meaning of its own for the old incarcerated, which is the deprivation of enjoying what they built throughout their lives. Therefore, this work concludes that even so the eldery person not being the preferred target of the punitive device, they are also in a condition of deprivation of liberty, as well as experiencing prison differently from young adults. Finally, it was evident that, in addition to noting the ineptitude of prisons and the lack of specific public policies for incarcerated elderly, it is necessary to develop studies that capture the singularities of the social dynamics experienced by incarcerated old adults.

ABSTRACT
The research aims to investigate the popular cultural compositions in the paintings of the
Bahian expressionist Sante Scaldaferri. In order to do so, the research focuses on this artist’s
most emblematic paintings, which present a creative reading of popular manifestations, his
most representative characters and objects, whose pictorial narrative is built in the face of a
situation of institutional rupture in 1964. Sante expresses a grotesque aesthetic of popular
court, placing the brush strokes around experiences devoid of socially established standards,
lowering circumstances attributed to the celestial plane to the material plane, in a way that
magical, fantastic and extraordinary experiences burst out as part of the reality of the popular
culture. The research focuses on three phases of Sante Scaldaferri’s paintings, covering the
period from 1964 to 1988, noticing the extent to which expressions of popular culture are
accompanied by simbolic reactions about Brazilian military dictatorship. Each phase carries
in itself characteristic traits under the protagonism of the “ex-votos”, through which the set of
works presents a movement of aesthetic transformation of a material that in its own
constitution evokes the fulfillment of a miracle. The transmutation of an “in natura” votive
material for the humanization of its forms has connection with Brazil’s social and political
reality during the military regime

The practice of walking is often seen as something intrinsically positive, both in the field of
health and in common sense and public debate. Thought as a simple and democratic way of
exercising movement and avoiding a sedentary lifestyle, walking is usually encouraged by
health professionals. This thesis seeks to understand how health is produced from walking
practices, declining from the assumption that the relationship between walking and health is
given or that it is natural. Aiming to capture how and when this relationship is formed,
methodological questions are introduced about research on walking, placing the literature of
this field of work in the social sciences. At first, a discussion about the multiple ontologies
that walking can assume in the same place is carried out, then moving on to the search,
through the ethnographic narrative, of the strategies that walkers in the studied place use to
maintain regularity in this practice and, more than that, how they produce the good walk,
thought in the spinozist terms of the good encounter. Then, also from the wanderings in the
field, it is questioned how care and self-care are important categories to produce a walking
policy. From the ethnographic description, it is demonstrated how walking presents itself as
an interdependent practice and with a strict relationship with accesses and resources. Then,
from the ethnographic encounters, I put the question of how walking can produce the
common, reviving the power of the public sphere and collective care. Techniques and skills
related to walking are also discussed and how they change based on issues such as gender,
generational markers, and temporalities, in addition to putting on the agenda how food and
walking are directly linked, considering that eating so much as walking, I argue, are practices
that make visible how the body is distributed in the environment, blurring traditional notions
of the self. Later, it is discussed how the Covid-19 pandemic changed the ways of walking,
with emphasis on the ways in which breathing differs in this period through the mediation of
instruments such as masks in public places. In the end, the work resumes the relationship
between health and walking, discussing under what conditions the health of walking emerges,
highlighting, based on ethnographic data, that walking has an inventive and transformative
potential in certain conditions that allow the practice to be a process of experimentation. It is
emphasized that the relationships that are made in the walk can enable the creation of bodies
open to life changes, allowing the invention of people and worlds that appear beyond
previously defined identities

In Brazil, indigenous peoples have been writing letters since the 17th century, but this epistolary production has not received due attention from political analysts, scientists, and opinion formers. In this research, I present and analyze over 1,000 letters written over the last fifty years on the website As Cartas dos Povos Indígenas ao Brasil - the first digital archive of correspondence between these peoples and Brazilian society. I characterize the set of documents through content analysis, which is used to understand themselves, who the indigenous people who write the letters are, whom they are addressed to, what subjects are covered, and what they write to. I follow the path of these letters in different political contexts, analyzing how the public discourse of indigenous peoples claims their lands based on their conceptions of justice, retomada, Bem Viver, and freedom in the face of a state characterized as colonial, guardian of the will of indigenous peoples, and focused on a project of death. To do this, I map the circulation of the letters and define them as public statements by indigenous peoples about themselves and the societies in which they live, seeking to understand what it is like to live and die as an indigenous person in Brazil. I work with the theoretical references of Duncan Ivison (2020) on the manifestations of indigenous peoples in contemporary liberal democracies, with the conception of the public letter by Maria José Bergia (2019) and Suzane Costa (2013), combined with the reflections of Ailton Krenak (2015) on the place of indigenous peoples in Brazilian society. I conclude this study by demonstrating how the retomada of Brazil is manifested and enhanced through the phenomenon of public communication between indigenous people and the country.

This thesis discusses the trajectory of interaction between the housing movement and state technicians in Bahia in a process that enabled the formation of post-occupation demands, arenas and policies in Bahia. The fight for post-occupation arises with the demands regarding the Minha Casa Minha Vida (MCMV) post. In Bahia, a fruitful process took place in which actors inside and outside the State pressed for the formation of an institutional structure and specific post-occupation policies. We noticed profound transformations in the actors involved and in the interfaces between them. A new participatory instance is built in this process: the Post-Occupation Forum of the Metropolitan Region of Salvador. This space's function is to debate and resolve problems related to the Minha Casa Minha Vida projects already delivered. Representatives of the housing movement, technicians from CAIXA, the state and municipalities are part of the forum. Considering the complexity of the object, we will use several methodological tools. Using a qualitative approach, we carried out semi-structured interviews, document analysis and direct observation. An interesting reconfiguration of the interaction of the housing movement and state actors in Bahia was observed with: a) the creation of the new framework of the “struggle for post-occupation” based on post-implementation deficits, low state capacity, trade-offs arising from institutional participation and the dynamics of the interactive process b) the construction of an intense political community between state technicians and housing movement organizations c) the creation and consolidation of institutional arrangements and peripheral domains of agency d) the mobilization of certain institutional fluidity as strategies to adapt to situational differences in the face of asymmetries in state permeability and the low capacity to occupy central positions in the state fabric.

In this research, I sought to analyze the functioning of racism within the flow of the criminal justice system in cases of robberies/thefts processed in judicial districts of the Metropolitan Region of Salvador between the periods of 2015 to 2018. I aimed to understand how class and race relations are established in the operation of the penal system, contributing to the perpetuation of racial inequalities, and what specific role the judiciary plays in this issue. To achieve these objectives, the research was divided into two phases: the first focused on the analysis of records of provisional detainees, and the second on complete judicial processes. The methodology involved the documentary analysis of interlocutory decisions that convert arrests in flagrante into preventive detentions and the analysis of a retrospective longitudinal flow of criminal cases. I examined 316 decisions for the imposition of preventive detention and 70 robbery/theft cases. I concluded that racism plays a central role in the functioning of the criminal justice system. Racism, manifested in the form of a widespread suspicion mechanism regarding the black population, determines which individuals will be labeled as dangerous, dishonest, and guilty. Furthermore, it decides which individuals will have their fundamental rights protected. This suspicion mechanism separates people into citizens and alleged criminals, defining the place each will occupy within the criminal justice system.

This dissertation presents and discusses the trajectories and movements of two Candomblé yards founded in Salvador wich moved to cities in its metropolitan region. From the analysis of the trajectories of the janitors of each of the yard and observing the contingencies and the arrangements that were necessary for the yards to come into existence and to settle in a certain place, the research was able to get into the theme of candomblé yards and their relationship with space. The relevance of this research is anchored in the need to fill a gap in the field of studies of Anthropology of Religion regarding the theme of Afro-Brazilian religions and, above all, Candomblé, and its intersections with the theme of movements and spatiality, which were treated in an underlying manner by researchers in the field. In this research, the religious trajectories of both priests and their yards were analyzed, paying attention to the questions that arise from the spatial changes and observing the ways of doing that are formed and established from the particular movements and practices of each House. In the first case, an ethnographic research was carried out, with the active participation of the researcher in the field and subsequent data analysis. For the other case, the analysis was carried out on secondary material arising from the research carried out by Fabio Lima regarding his research for the master's degree. In both contexts, looking at both trajectories and displacements was fundamental to understand these yards in greater depth, noting that, for each specific situation, the consequences were different.

The present work investigates within the scope of Brazilian Political Thought of a liberal matrix, from the perspectives of Raymundo Faoro, Simon Schwartzman, and José Guilherme Merquior, to understand the theoretical operationalization carried out by these authors around the theme of democracy, given the national traits. It starts from the theoretical assumptions of the perenniality of the issues in the scope of political ideas and ways of thinking of a type of Brazilian liberal lineage. It follows, then, the understanding of the cleavages between the authors' statements on aspects of the national historical formation, the constitution of the State, the inconsistencies of Brazilian democracy, articulated to the conceptual framework mobilized by them. Each conceived a particular way of liberalism critical of the State in its institutional configuration but recognizing the possible means for the instrumentalization of democracy. From an interpretation that conceptualizes the national State as patrimonial and traditional, Faoro highlighted the way in which Brazilian liberalism did not succeed in the struggle against statism and constituted itself as a democratically emptied deformation. His understanding of liberalism advocated expanding political rights to the detriment of the totality of liberal doctrine. Unlike Faoro, Schwartzman saw neopatrimonialism in the Brazilian political phenomenon as a key to explaining the type of state configuration existing in Brazil, of incomplete modernization. His analysis pointed to an institutional trajectory of persistent authoritarianism, characterized by a simulacrum of modern democratic and capitalist institutions, and his institutional focus sought to delineate these differences. Merquior's liberal perception conceived liberalism in its theoretical dimension as a unity of political and economic aspects, a liberal-democratic synthesis in which the expansion of social achievements is incorporated into the doctrinal label of liberalism, based on democratic conduct. It is concluded that the analyzes of these authors about democracy do not offer identical diagnoses but suggest paradigms for reflection on the impact of Brazilian liberalism on national political thought

Hip hop began as a cultural and leisure expression for poor and young people and as a movement of resistance and protest. The movement‘s character of claiming for rights and social inclusion and for being an instrument for the entertainment of youth is accentuated. Due to its urban characteristics, the movement has always occupied the streets, the city‘s public places, which caused an erasure of women, due to the cult of a domestic life created around the female gender. This resulted in secondary roles for women, moving them away from presentation and production environment, that started to change only around the 2000s, when we noticed a greater insertion of them, questioning their gender roles. In this way, this research seeks to understand how the rap made by Dory de Oliveira and Kmila CDD represent the violence of women‘s daily life in the lyrics of their songs. It becomes evident with the analysis that discussions that had been neglected for a long time appears from these lyrics that now shed light on issues of socially present sexism and its reflection within hip hop, thinking about violence in its multiple aspects, how the socially created stereotypes about women appears in the most traditional lyrics, denouncing the subjugation of their hip hop roles just for being a woman

The problem of mobility has several population’s debates, mainly with the mobilizations of 2013, as the progressive increase of cities and circulation in the space of large cities appears. In recent years, a neoliberal logic has also been revealed to solve urban mobility deficits in Brazilian cities. Unveiling a field of dispute, multiple interests between the actors involved will intervene: Civil Society and Municipalities. The Salvador city followed this transformation segment, the urban city in the mobility segment quickly and presented new modalities of different regions of the city, Metro, BRT and LRV / Monorail. The latter is the object of analysis of this dissertation. That said, the present work aims to present the process of consultation with the community around the public policy of replacing the rail system (in turn, it founded and structured the neighborhoods in its surroundings, as well as its rules, habits and culture since the installation of the road of Calçada-Paripe in 1860), for the Public-Private Partnership (PPP) project of the Light Rail Vehicle (LRV), of the Government of Bahia. The research sought to: identify and analyze the social impacts of the LRV/Monorail project in Subúrbio Ferroviário; follow the process of decommissioning the old suburban train; as influences of urban mobility in the real partner organization of Subúrbio Ferroviário de Salvador and; in the dynamics of mobility, the project that will affect urban change in occupation, spatial production, reproduction and modification of these urban spaces. From the methodological point of view, the research refers to a qualitative approach, using different data collection tools: direct observation, information collection, audiovisual data and documental research.

Human rights play a central role in contemporary struggles, being mobilized by various actors and social systems and incorporating a set of demands and meanings. In the last decade, some studies have proposed a new way of observing these rights in society. In the field of the sociology of human rights, human rights are investigated as a scientific object, to understand what their empirical uses in the contemporary world are. The goal of this research is to understand how human rights are empirically mobilized, in the form of discourses, in the newspapers O Estado de São Paulo and Folha de S. Paulo, during 2017 and 2018. The empirical corpus is formed by 352 newspaper articles, 132 from O Estado de S. Paulo and 220 from Folha de S. Paulo. This research mobilizes the theoretical notion of medium (LUHMANN, 2005), through the medium/form distinction to understand the meanings attributed to human rights in the discourses that circulate in the news media. As a methodological approach, I observed human rights in concrete communications – journalistic articles – through the discourse category. I use the approach of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe to map the chains of signification (meanings) that are articulated in the discourses of construction and deconstruction of human rights in newspapers.

This dissertation analysed the formation of the State of Guinea-Bissau and post-independence
political challenges,seeking to understand the state formation and thechallenges it was facing
after its political Independence, including the premature imposition of the neoliberal policies
by the international community for the free movement of economic goods, signing bilateral
agreements with international partners, especially the World Bank (WB) and the International
Monetary Fund (IMF), plunged into multi-party democracy thus allowed ethnic trends taken
from the moment politicians wanted to win power, in this way, the lack of qualified debate
driven by the discourses ofethnic and religious belonging led what was verified in the
country's elections.The idea of political independence forged the ethnic unity during the
armed struggle against Portuguese imperialism, but the nation building process has been
marked by delay and hindrances.Since the democratic opening, Guinea-Bissau is gradually
experiencing moments that mark the political instability, in methodological terms the research
will be of the qualitative type with semi-structured interviews, using texts, books and
dissertations that discuss issues related to the starting question of this dissertation

In this thesis I undertake a socio-anthropological reflection on environmental conflicts
in Marine Extractive Reserves, based on a case study on Baía do Iguape Marine
Extractive Reserve (RESEX). The main purpose of the research was to analyze how
the implementation of the Iguape RESEX intervenes in the material and symbolic
disputes carried out by different social and economic segments for the possession,
use and significance of the territory. To do so, I started from the theoretical assumption
of the formation of an environmental field in contemporary societies, whose axiom is
the notion of sustainable development. The study focused on the analysis of the conflict
involving traditional extractive populations - quilombolas, fishermen, fisherwomen,
shellfish gatherers, small farmers - and the Pedra do Cavalo Complex, composed of a
dam and a hydroelectric plant. The methodological strategies consisted of document
analysis and collection of primary data from semi-structured interviews and systematic
observation of the meetings of the Management Council of the Resex and the
performance of traditional populations in different public spaces. The research results
point out the lack of agreement between government proposals (federal and state) for
this area. It also showed changes in the disputes over the appropriation, use and
meaning of the territory with the implementation of the Iguape Resex. Traditional
populations have increased their symbolic capital, since the territory is now governed
by new legislation that recognizes the rights of these peoples. However, the realization
of these rights collides with desenvolvimentista and neoliberal positions that support
the collusion of part of the governmental spheres with the private sector.

n his workThe Laws of Imitation,GabrielTarde characterizes imitation as anintercerebral
action at a distance. Based on a distinct metaphysical conception developed via the idea of the
monad, Tarde develops hisuniversal sociology, built on the primacy ofpossessionas the
constitutive act characteristic of the cosmos. In this sense, imitation is one more particular
manifestation of this possessive cosmological generality. In this thesis, we seek to highlight
certain consequences resulting from the idea that imitation isintercerebralaction. Therefore, the
brain, understood here within this sociological conception as possessing it own agency, will be
considered via three dimensions or scales of pertinence. In the first, we present the relationship
betweenthehomeostaticprocessesconstitutiveofbiological beings in general, andtheir
connectionwiththeemergenceofconsciousness,specificallyconsideringtheneuraonal
formation of the brain. We especially highlight the connection betweenprimordial feelings,
which are in constant dialogue withthe brain, and the way this complex is reflected in thebeliefs
anddesireswhose imitation is mediatedby the brain in Tarde’s sociology. In the second
dimension, we will expand our focus, from the neuronal scale of the first, to consider the
properlysocioanthropologicallevel.Iseektoshowthefundamental roleofsharingof
intentionality, according to the Theory ofShared Intentionalityand the associatedratchet effect,
with anthropological creativity as an extension of the recursivity of images inthe mind. Such
recursivity constitutes a continuum of images that mediates both the imitation of beliefs and
desires and the conditions of possibility forinvention. I argue that there is a type ofproto-
metaphormanifestingthepossessionofimages in themind, which couldinstantiate the
emergence of inventions via the formation of unprecedented mixtures of images. Finally, I will
consider theplasticityof the brain, which is an irreducible factor in its capacity to mediate and
transform its relations with the environment, presupposing a reciprocal plasticity between both
the internal andexternal environments. This leads to certain consequences that a Tardean
sociologywoulddeal with within the purview ofa reformulated“historical materialism”,
consideringthecoordinationofaplasticallyconstitutedandstatisticallyapprehended
environment in a type ofecologicalthought. I undertake a reflection about certain political and
material conditions in the context of social and technological arrangements,which result from
this plasticity and the architecture of Tarde’s metaphysics, based on the two pillars of difference
andrepetition.AsIarguehere,theproblemofcoordinationbecomesafundamental
programmatic aspect of the architectonic formation of Tarde’s sociology.

The present research studies the process of sociopolitical construction of quilombola ethnic identities from the mesh of interactions between human and human/non-human actors in three contiguous rural black communities in the region of Cariri, Ceará. Through a dialogue with theoretical-epistemological reflections of phenomenological character, I guide the research towards the understanding of the emergence of black quilombola identities through the fields of practices and contexts of actions that surround the daily praxis of multiple actors that swarm around the struggle for political participation, distributive justice and cultural recognition of the quilombos in Cariri. The thesis that I defend throughout this research is that such fields of practices and contexts of actions subsidize moments in which the lived experiences of the subjects enable the production of representations about quilombo and what it means to be a quilombola. In other words, I highlight how the production of presence enables the production of meanings. Although they are guided by meanings and values – which gives practices and contexts a structured dimension – the same fields of practices and contexts of actions structure representations about quilombos. This means a look at both the social representations of quilombos that already exist and also a record of a certain social dynamics that produces, (re)means and reiterates meanings about quilombos in black rural communities in Cariri. As important as the easily perceptible meanings in the individual and collective performances of quilombola agents, my objective is to document and reflect on sociographic moments in which the production of meanings is put into action in a hic et nunc (a here and now)

The present research drives an investigation aimed on the transformations within Chinese State after the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, thus advancing in the comprehension of continuities and discontinuities in the political and economical processes generated by the different cycles that succeeded the inauguration of the revolutionary rule in that country (through Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping until Xi Jinping). In order to do so, there will be established a theoretical and conceptual investigation after two categories mainly mobilized: Imperialism and Hegemony. By using such categories we shall turn ourselves to a study of the current characteristics of State and Mode of Production in China (Structure and Superstructures), with its diverse determinations generated in the era of imperialist monopolist capitalism and in contradiction with it. Concluding for the existence of a Proletarian class Hegemony under direction of the Chinese Communist Party with its respective Apparatuses. Afterwards through a territorial emphasis around China and the period of post-economical crisis of 2008 we shall advance on a debate over the current chinese geopolitics until the present year of 2021, investigating the “interior-exterior” dialectics in the political and economical processes. Finally we will establish a debate on the Hegemonic Blocs, finding out how China would be the driving force of a Counter-hegemonic Bloc in association with Russia and other actores, bred by the contradictions of center-periphery, by the contest over people’s self-determination and national sovereignty. We shall conclude for the existence of such a bloc, and its fundamentally antagonic features against imperialist capitalism and its main representatives such as the USA, European Union and Japan. Coming to the understanding that this struggle aims at the overcoming/transformation of the international hegemonic structures for dominance of the ocidental imperialist capitalism. Thus establishing Institutionality forms ruled on multilateralism

The objective of this dissertation is to compare the German and Brazilian social protection system in the light of the typology of the three welfare state regimes developed by the Danish author Esping-Andersen. The analysis highlighted the differences and similarities between the German and Brazilian social protection systems. The path chosen was the examination of the historical-political trajectory, to understand the explanatory causes of the emergence and development of each social protection system. For this, three main variables were listed, of a qualitative-quantitative nature: decommodification, stratification, and defamiliarization, which provided the methodological instrument for the analysis of social protection systems, especially in the social security system, social assistance, health, and labor policies. It was observed that the two countries adopt a predominantly conservative system, based on a contributory security system. Despite the temporal difference, social protection systems reveal similarities in the phase of the emergence of social policies. The differences are evident in the consolidation phase, when Germany developed a comprehensive conservative welfare state with "almost universal" characteristics, protecting its citizens from the greatest risks at relatively high levels. In contrast, in Brazil a conservative system was established, based on regulated citizenship, subordinated to the interests of the market, with highly liberal traits. This research also revealed that a specific characteristic of the Brazilian social protection system are high rates of informality and the high degree of familiarity.

This research situates the existing problematic between a team of educators / social workers linked both to the Human Rights Promotion Directorate of Cuca Jangurussu (public equipment aimed at enabling and enhancing the access of young people to culture, art, science, leisure and sport located in Jangurussu, a neighborhood of Fortaleza in Ceará, Brazil) and ‘Nuced’ (Center for Drug Studies of the Department of Psychology of the Federal University of Ceará), and young beneficiaries of public policies carried out by/at Cuca concerning the implementation of so-called harm reduction actions. The ‘network of interlocutors’ became central to the research, and the argument for the work was built by being with these individuals. Social sciences studies on the uses of psychoactive drugs and their intersections with public health and public policies formed the guidelines for observing, analyzing and proposing actions aimed at reducing harm among impoverished young people living in peripheral urban contexts. I reported on how the actions and interventions to reduce risks and harm were appropriated by those individuals based on their identity, ethnic and socioeconomic perspectives. I also carried out situational analyzes on how these harm reduction actions / strategies were planned, executed and appropriated, in order to guarantee for the black and mixed-race youth living in a peripheral neighborhood where Cuca operates, the right of ownership of their own bodies. I approached the locus, understood as the central research field of the present thesis, based on actions proposed by Nuced. As a volunteer at Nuced, I joined the youth and other residents of that region, and incorporated into the work their narratives, trajectories and life stories, more specifically based on accounts of a young woman and a young man who at the time were university students at undergraduate and graduate level, as they show themselves to be fierce activists in the community. The notion of risk and harm reduction (re)established in this field of research was spread by contextual aspects in which legal, social and political factors were superimposed on physiological ones, in terms of the importance given to the notion of care in the discourses and practices of those young people. As a result, the research helps to situate how the actions and strategies offered by the State to reduce drug-related harm are creatively transformed by this fraction of the young population living on the outskirts of Fortaleza

This ethnography on biomedicine researches the learning of emotions in an institutional context of medical education. Fieldwork was carried out in the cardiology ward of a University hospital. This choice was based on the idea of the symbolic idea of the heart being an organ central as a place of emotions. The ethnographic interest is in learning as / in practice, since the main idea behind this research is not only to know what is learned about emotions, but how this is learnt. Apprentices, tutors, other health professionals, patients, family members, the organization of the health system itself, and even the unexpected context of the COVID19 pandemic, together shape the reality of emotions. The ethnographic work showed that learning about emotions in medical education is a tacit process, and that this learning is characterized by the control of emotions, the privatization of subjectivity and the search for an objectification of emotions, seen as elements that would not feature in the learning process of doctors, due to their being seen as outside of the real object of this learning process: diseases. Differences were also identified with regards to emotional experiences between preceptors and apprentices, pointing to a distinction in the medical hierarchy associated not only with experience, but with engagement in different practicalities. The ethnographic work also highlighted some inflection points in this hegemonic way of learning about emotions, emphasizing these fissures, which would be more exposed in the passage from the medicine of books, of pieces, to the medicine of the living, when treating real people, in real wards. The learning of emotions is not final nor fixed, rather, different versions of emotions are always being produced in a situated way, from the engagement of the actors in the context of practice. Through these research findings, I emphasize the power of emotions to help us understand fully what medical training entails. Recognizing that learning about emotions feature in biomedical learning context allows us to build a different way of seeing and interpreting this very learning process, enabling us to identify some dilemmas that surround medical teaching and practice.

The central problem analyzed in this research is the relationship between the privatization process of the Salvador Airport and the Health of Workers. To understand this relationship, the restructuring of the Brazilian Airport Infrastructure Company – INFRAERO and the working conditions of the respective category were investigated. We started from the hypothesis that the privatization of Salvador Airport was preceded by an organizational remodeling that redefined work relations, functions, activities, professional identity and the (in)capacity of organization of the category, contributing to the emergence of or worsening of work-related psychosocial illnesses and suffering. In order to know the validity of this hypothesis, the general objective was to understand the repercussions of this macro-process for the Health of Workers, through four directions of investigation: the way in which the Airport concession process was organized from Salvador to the private sector; the changes that have taken place with regard to the restructuring in question, related to the transformations of sectors and work processes; the resulting psychosocial factors/risks; and the sufferings and psychosocial illnesses resulting from the work organization constituted in this scenario. The methodological design is qualitative in nature and is based on a documentary survey, the collection of secondary institutional data and narrative interviews. The cut given to the investigation period is adapted to the collection instruments, namely: with regard to the research of secondary and documentary content, the period was longitudinal and is concentrated between the years 2005 and 2015, capturing the milestones of the restructuring; with regard to the narratives, the interviews were relevant to the formal course of privatization, between 2016 and 2018. The construction of the theoretical-critical framework is based on three pillars of analysis: State, work and Worker's Health. The reflexive articulation between the three pillars allowed a critical understanding of how the State and INFRAERO, in an articulated way, developed strategies that “camouflaged” the privatization of Salvador Airport, in a non-classical way, through the reproduction of a “perspective fetishized by temporary privatization”, overshadowing a mega internal restructuring that preceded privatization by almost a decade. Through a "silencing strategy" that concealed this reality, this organizational reconfiguration perverted the experience and meaning of work for airport workers, using an ideological discourse that co-opted the subjectivity of employees), fragmented and influenced the (in)capacity of collective organization of the category. This context formed a modus operandis for privatization embodied in mechanisms of institutional harassment, despotism, the threat of dismissals and the discarding of the workers' experience. It was a transformation that demeaned and dismantled social rights and living conditions, based on social determinants at work that intensified psychosocial suffering and the growth of work-related behavioral mental disorders.

This thesis intends to approach how the New Latin American Cinema (NCL) elaborated utopian imaginaries. We did this through contextualization, analysis of manifests, and two of its films: Deus e o Diabo na terra do sol (Black God, White Devil), a fiction directed by the Brazilian Glauber Rocha, and La hora de los hornos (The Hour of the Furnaces), a documentary directed by the Argentine collective Cine Liberación. Therefore, we discuss the sociology of cinema and utopia, with an approach to the concept of utopia developed by Ernst Bloch in The principle of hope. Afterward, through a bibliographical review, we approach the context of the NCL and some elements of its conceptualization. Then, we analyze the utopian aspects of some of the movement's manifestos, make brief comments on films present in the events considered foundational, to expose the motivations of our selection and, as a central aspect of our work, elaborate the film analysis of the aforementioned films, seeking to make some comments and comparisons with other NCL movies. In the end, we consider that despite having utopias declared in their manifestos, not all films of the movement fully elaborate them in their narratives, even though the presence of critical discourse about social injustices is common to most films of the time; nevertheless, there is the presence of utopian elements in several works and, particularly in the films analyzed in more detail, we seek to understand how these utopias are constructed or expressed through the montage of sound and images, which was expressed in a way differentiated in the analyzed films.

This thesis consists on the investigation of recent changes in the Brazilian higher education system, taking as a time frame the publication of Law No. 12,711/2012, known as the “Quotas and Affirmative Action Law”, a normative instrument that influenced and still influences the debate on racial affirmative actions in Brazil, inside and outside universities. Quantitative methods were applied, using data from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) and the Ministry of Education (MEC), associated with a review of the most recent extensive bibliography on the subject. Inspired by the proposal of a plural model of higher education as a possible horizon, decolonial and intersectional approaches were applied to analyze racial, gender and territorial inequalities in the academic community, highlighting the transformative potential of actors historically excluded from this space of status and power. The higher education system was described in its vertical organization in recent decades, through the profile of undergraduate and graduate students, masters and doctors, professors who completed higher education and, finally, university professors. In this sense, I mobilized classical approaches on racial inequalities in Brazil, especially Carlos Hasenbalg’s, adding contemporary proposals for the decoloniality of knowledge and the intersectionality of oppressions. Affirmative Action policies in higher education induced an important growth on presence of black and poorer students, and those from the public basic education, strengthening the transformation process in graduation community profile, which multiplies to higher levels of the academic career. In post graduation and teaching, this presence is less expressive, also when the system is horizontally stratified, that is, in different areas of knowledge. In the context of revision of the Quota Law in 2022, I expect to offer contributions to the improvement of affirmative action strategies, positive discrimination and knowledge dialogue, towards a less unequal and fairer higher education system in the Brazil.

This dissertation seeks to study Repression and Sexual Freedom in the new cinema of Pernambuco: Baixio das Bestas and Tatuagem. With a sociological approach to culture through Brazilian cinema.

The aim of this research was to understand the experiences, relationships and working conditions of employees at the Professor Edgar Santos University Hospital (HUPES) after its management was transferred from the Federal University of Bahia to the Brazilian Hospital Services Company (EBSERH), which characterizes a situation typical of outsourcing in the public sector. The entry of the company exacerbated certain situations within the hospital due to the entry of new workers contracted through the Consolidation of Worker's Rights (CLT), being considered federal public servants. The workers who had been operating under other contractual relationships within the University Hospital (HU) for some time, were now submitted to another employment regime, which generated conflict and tension as the study highlights. Data collection was carried out with different categories responding to a semistructured questionnaire to guarantee that diverse perspectives were heard, in addition to an interview with an individual who works in hospital management. The analysis of the data was undertaken through triangulation: theoretical texts, documents and data from the empirical field. Results showed that the EBSERH represents a direct attack on the Single Judicial Regime (Regime Jurídico Único) (RJU) condition of employment, with the main change being for new employees. The research uncovered a conflict between them, which interferes both in organizational dynamics as well as with union organization, as can be seen in the segmentation of the different categories. Problems with the hospital infrastructure were also noted such as broken elevators, overheating and a lack of secutiry. Issues related to bullying were also mentioned by study participants. Over time, the few employees who are still employed at the HUPES, today the minority, will retire and only CLT employees will remain. The EBSERH's model, a private rights public institution, is already being touted as the 'ideal model' to be adopted in other public institutions, such as Universities. Given this, it is considered necessary to defend the public servant as an essential element for liberal democracy, given that they have had their role socially devalued, seen as useless or even represented as regressive for the State. Public servants are essential for a republican, democratic and socially responsible State, since it is they who carry out public policy, and therefore should not be at the mercy of political contingencies, thereby compromising democratic process and its responsibility to act in the interests of all and for the common good. The private sector management model cannot be applied in the public sector, given that both should have differentiated professional ethics and attendance profiles

The central problem investigated in this research was the relationship between the struggle of Sindiflora, a union of rural wage earners, and the reversal of part of the outsourcing in a company of cultivation of eucalyptus in the north coast of Bahia, Copener Florestal. Three explanatory hypotheses were raised, with no excluded restrictions, to investigate this partial reversal of outsourcing: (i) the union struggle, especially from a strike that preceded the primarization; (ii) the work of the Public Ministry of Labor and Labor Justice; (iii) possible motivations of the company itself. The most likely hypothesis, or one with the highest incidence, was considered the first. A bibliographic review, a documentary research, and a field research were articulated. The latter had as a data production technique semi-structured interviews with subjects considered strategic in this process, namely, ten union leaders. To support the investigation, this work addresses the centrality of outsourcing in the configuration of contemporary capitalism. It questions the intrinsic relationship between outsourcing and the social precariousness of work. In addition, it deals with the political dimension of outsourcing, as an instrument for the fragmentation of workers, in their solidarity and in their resistance, including union resistance. Demonstrates the manifestation of these characteristics of outsourcing in the case studied. It analyzes the resistance to such manifestations, especially the performance of Sindiflora. It also analyzes the relationship between the strike led by the union (as well as the more general action of Sindiflora) and the primarization process resulting from the strike activity. It was verified, considering the hypotheses outlined: (i) the confirmation of union action as the main factor for primarization; (ii) as well as determinants in the process, the work of the Public Ministry of Labor and Labor Justice; (iii) finally, the company's interests are also a factor that affected the way in which primarization took place, and its limits. It is concluded, centrally, that the characteristic of this union, of organizing effective and outsourced workers on the same basis, was fundamental for the centrality in its confrontation with outsourcing. And that this is, therefore, an important experience to reflect on possible ways of unionism in the fight against outsourcing.

This text portrays an experience of interaction and conflict among agents representing the populations that live within the watersheds of the Recôncavo Norte/Inhambupe (CBHRN/I) in whose management the Basin Committee acts for this purpose. In this way, the harmful effects on the most vulnerable segments of civil society organizations are emphasized based on the discourse of economic expansion securlaly instituted for the targeted region. Also northworthy is the influence of participation (governance) in decisions concerning the use of water in a huge territory that does not face water shortages and which extends over the region of nine contiguous hydrographic basins, corresponding to 46 municipalities comprising eight Identity Territories. Besides, the mentioned region counts on the action of Public Authorities that care about eight Environmental Protection Areas (APAs). Additionally, the region responds for around 80% of the collection of taxes due to the Circulation of Goods and Services (ICMS of the Metropolitan of Salvador (RMS) together with the region of the North Coast of the State of Bahia. Therefore, it is concluded that the Participatory Management Model, responsible for strengthening the balance in the distribution of water among all users in the basins object of the study hasnot yet achieved its objective of effectiveness.

This dissertation consists of an analysis of the journalistic coverage of Dilma Rousseff's impeachment, through an investigation by the editorials of the two brazilian newspapers, Folha de S. Paulo and O Estado de S. Paulo. The analysis was concentrated as editorial pieces published during the period of March 2015, the month in which the first large street demonstrations against the Dilma government appeared, until August 2016, when the impeachment was approved by the Brazilian Senate. For the empirical study were analysed 336 editorials published, 229 from the newspaper O Estado de S. Paulo and 107 from Folha de S. Paulo. The goal of research is to analyze the mechanisms used through Journalism, to build a coverage of political phenomenal. From this investigation, it is possible to analyze the dynamics between the media and the political field, in order to identify possible approximations and divergences. The analysis of the editorials, a space in which the communication institutions, take a stand about certain subjects and present their opinions to the readers, which allow to identify the positions of the newspapers, regarding the impeachment process. Therefore, the main arguments used by newspapers were identified to characterize Dilma's removal. Regarding the methodological procedures, we opted for the mixed methods approach. The Grounded Theory, methodology based on empirical analysis for knowledge construction, used as a guide during the process of preparing analytical categories. In the empirical investigations, we used the qualitative analysis software ATLAS.ti as a tool to assist the data listing and categorization and the Sphinx software to assist in the tabulation and quantitative analysis of the data. According to the results, there was an attempt by both legitimate newspapers to impeach Dilma. For that, arguments were mobilized that gave legitimacy to the process. Although the news coverage of Folha de S. Paulo and the State of S. Paulo showed similarities in the way of characterizing Dilma's removal, the editorials gave priority to different aspects of the process. This finding contributed to the defense that the editorials investigation makes it possible to identify the different opinions that the communication institutions defend in the public debate.

The objective of this dissertation is to analyze the relationship between the living and the dead, which is ritualistically engendered in the worship of babá egum in Bahia, more specifically, in Salvador and on Itaparica Island. The analysis starts from the iorubá understanding of death as continuity. In this study, I consider the constitutive elements of this Afro-Brazilian religious practice, highlighting the pathways that give access to the system of participation in the rituals, which can be guaranteed through consanguinity with the founders and leaders of the terreiros or via multiple triggers such as sickness, heritage or ancestral choice. The findings gathered in the empirical research, together with the socio-anthropological theory, ground the discussions regarding kinship, ancestry, tradition and gender. In this manner, the dynamics of mutual care between the deified male ancestors and the religious community, which dedicates itself to continuously maintaining this connection, is the guiding thread of this research.

The main objective of this research was to trace the girls’ institutional trajectory from the documents produced about them, within the scope of socio-educational assistance, specifically in the execution of the socio-educational measure of incarceration in the state of Bahia. From the main documents that make up the attendance record, it was possible to identify a part of the girls’ trajectory until the imposition of the socio-educational measure of incarceration and the main aspects that contributed to the criminalization process, as well as the reasons that contributed to the maintenance, extinction or replacement of the socioeducational measure of incarceration. The institutional records are formed by the set of documents that trace part of the girls’ trajectory from the selection through the meshes of the juvenile justice system until the end of the deprivation of liberty measure. In this thesis, these institutional records are considered sensitive documents (BAUER; GERTZ, 2017; BORGES, 2016; FICO, 2012; SALLA; BORGES, 2017; THIESEN, 2012; 2014), are adopted as the main source of data collection, and considered an ethnographic artifact (BORGES, 2016; CARRARA, 1998; FERREIRA, 2011; 2015; GITELMAN, 2014; HULL, 2012; LUGONES, 2009; 2014; PEIRANO, 2006; 2009; RILES, 2006; VIANNA, 1999; 2014). The time frame included the beginning of the activities of the exclusively female unit (May 2014) until the end of the year 2017, which culminated in 34 records as the documentary corpus. Data of boys from the male unit were added for purposes of verification through sampling. In the socio-educational measure of incarceration, girls need to thrive in an environment that predetermines them difficult to deal with, as demanding of attention, full of specific needs, and promoting constant wearing situations. Thus, in an institutional dynamic in which good behavior is generationally gendered and racracialized, the institutional trajectory of the girls is marked by the constant evaluation of their histories, socialization, and experiences, by their modes of interaction in intra-wall life, by their behaviors, personalities, emotions and by their capacity of resignation in face of the suffering generated by the deprivation of liberty. Based on a model of operation and organization consolidated by a set of actions that do not consider the multi-discrimination and the particularities of the adversities presented in the concrete experience of the girls, there is a monolithic form in the way of executing the socioeducational measure in the Bahian socio-educational service that, oriented and consolidated by its institutional expertise in implementing socio-educational measures for boys, has created a specific way of punishing girls. It is pointed out that practices that are sensitive to intersectionality can be effective in influencing the monolithism of socio-educational intervention

The following thesis introduces a contribution to the discussion of metropolitan problem in Brazil through three approaches. First, a rescue of institutional trajectory, since its initial milestone in the military regime, to the recent Statute of the Metropolis, associated with the focus on metropolitan regions of Salvador and Belo Horizonte in order to compare different deployments of the national institutional standards. The second approach analyzes the legislative production on metropolitan politics in the states of Bahia and Minas Gerais between 1999 and 2018, relating the subject to those regions political representation. The third discusses the political-electoral dynamics, establishing a comparison of these states in elections for state congressional representatives from 1998 to 2014, unfolded in three aspects: the characteristics of the political disputes of the different localities - capital, Metropolitan area and countryside; the metropolitan representativeness in State Legislatures; and the configuration of electoral competition at the municipal level and the inland of both metropolises. The findings of thesis challenge two institutional premises pointed out in literature as obstacles to metropolitan agenda: the federalism established in CF-1988, with the consequent municipal empowerment; and the operationalization of the electoral system, which would produce a metropolitan underrepresentation and a more restricted competitions dynamic between cities, leading to metropolitan parochialism. In the case of Minas Gerais, a solution which was more consolidated institutional and higher standard of articulation of governance were noticed after the City Statute and in the presence of a greater number of metropolitan municipalities as well as more relevant legislative production on the topic, resulting in more autonomy. In contrast, in the case of Bahia, a centralizing tendency and a metropolitan region with fewer municipalities and less municipal autonomy has inhibited cooperation and consolidation of institutions. This frame follows the legislative scenario: despite persistence in both cases, metropolitan underrepresentation is more discreet in the Minas Gerais congress and accentuated in Bahia since 2006. However, the combination of two instruments for measuring the electoral dynamics in the municipalities and inside the metropolises allowed us to conclude that competitiveness only constitutes a filter to representativeness when there was more related to oligarchy traits: high competitiveness with low effective number of candidates does not result in less chance of election - local level, rival groups could create a pact over the dispute. Thus, the electoral system can be a disincentive to the representation of Metropolitan Areas, even though chances of metropolitan parochialism are inhibited by high levels of competitiveness and the extremely high number of effective candidates found in electoral zones of the two metropolises

This thesis aimed to describe and understand the social dynamics that permeate life trajectories that are interspersed by multiple experiences of deprivation of liberty since adolescence. The main research method adopted was the biographical method through life story interviews. From the narratives of life stories, I sought to analyze how men and women with repeated experiences of deprivation of liberty and interaction with criminalization processes presented and understood their trajectories. Studies on criminal recidivism are still scarce in Brazil, although recidivism is considered a major social problem and appears to justify increasingly harsh actions against crime and criminals. In the prison units where the research was conducted, almost 40% of men and 20% of women who were awaiting trial were repeat offenders (they had been arrested previously), as were more than half of those sentenced. In addition, at least 10% of men provisionally arrested, 6.7% of those sentenced and just over 8% of women (provisional and sentenced) had already been apprehended as teenagers. Therefore, through the life story narratives of 11 women and 20 men, I sought to understand the trajectories that led to the entrance to the revolving door of incarceration (adolescent and adult imprisonment) and their experiences of criminal persistence and criminalization until then. To present these trajectories, I tried to point out the main social dynamics in the different spaces through which the people interviewed passed and the processes of derivation from one space to another: the Home, the Street and the Prison. This itinerary turns into a circular trajectory - from the revolving door of incarceration - where the spaces of the Home, the Street and the Prison alternate and cross each other. From the narratives, it was possible to understand that there were two distinct trajectories, that of the independents and that of those involved. The trajectory of the independents is more related to thefts and robberies in concomitance with odd jobs in the informal labor market and a greater experience in situations of living on the streets and of drug abuse. That of those involved would be related to criminal activities linked to criminal groups, mostly related to the underground drug economy, which, more than the independents, seek recognition, status and adrenaline in the practice of crimes. These trajectories are not mutually exclusive, they cross and change sides depending on the circumstances experienced, but they demarcate ways of living the Street and the Prison that diverge. Differences and similarities were also observed in the experiences lived by women and men, whether in the trajectories up to committing crimes, either in the street and in the life of crime, or in the experience of Prison. Finally, it was also observed that the generational factor seems to influence the perception of past experiences and post-incarceration expectations. While the younger ones do not see themselves coming out of that revolving door and outline a more conformed attitude regarding their condition of incarceration, and a strong connection with crime, those a little less young tended to understand that this life was not the one they wanted anymore for them, and they no longer wanted to experience those repeated experiences of incarceration, even though they had not yet outlined a concrete possibility of leaving that cycle. It is thus seen that the revolving door of the Prison - recidivism - is perceived and experienced by those who have it as a structuring element of their trajectories in different ways depending on the type of involvement in crime, gender and age.

Why were the regulatory frameworks approved between 1985 and 1993, the 1988 Constitution and the Port Modernization Law, insufficient to overcome the precarious and disintegrating condition of maritime infrastructure and activity in Brazil? How and which defense coalitions affected the Maritime Shipping Policy in Brazil during the period studied and what were the beliefs and values that outlined these coalitions? The hegemony of the National Corporate Industrial Coalition in decisions involving the Maritime Cargo Transport Policy in the related period studied, whose beliefs and interests affirmed the centralization of the federal government, the direct exploitation by the public authorities of port and navigation services and obstacles to the participation of foreign capital, prevented significant changes in the guidelines formulated and implemented in politics even during the military regime (1964-1985). This is the reading key defended by this dissertation. To achieve the objectives of the work, the ACF model (Advocacy Coalition Framework) was adopted as an intelligibility scheme to explain the phenomenon. The model has been applied to study a wide range of policy arenas and decisionmaking processes (JENKINS-SMITH; NOHRSTEDT; WEIBLE; INGOLD, 2017). To operationalize the research, the declarations and proposals of laws of the actors present in the shorthand notes of the 1988 constituent processes and the approval of Law 8.630 / 93 were recovered. In this stage of data collection, the actor was the primary analysis unit. The affiliation and the federative level were attributes of the aggregation of the actors. The policy core beliefs (paradigms) and coordinated action were the Boolean concepts used to identify the positions of the actors given the possibilities of eight coalitions. Then, the analysis of social networks was applied to describe the connection between the actors. The following indicators were used: centrality by betweenness degree and frequency of participation of actors and beliefs; convergence index with paradigms and, in the case of coordinated action, between actors. These indicators were used in the comparison by statistical correlation. As a result, of the eight possible coalitions, only the National Industrial Corporate coalition occupied the central and dominant position in the subsystem. This coalition starts to dispute space with the rise of the Privatizer coalition, identified in the process of approval of the Modernization of Ports Law, in 1993. The coalition favorable to privatization did not present enough coordinated action to overcome the centrality and dominance of the coalition Industrial Nacional Corporative, which reflected on the incremental character of the new regulation

We understand the importance of analyzing a film by locating it as a raw material that
carries beyond the story told in the plot, its own history as art, being a product of the historical
period in which it was produced in the society of which it is part. The way to think about the
analysis of a visual object, to find out about a situation where visuality is an increasingly
widespread, widespread and widespread tendency, is to understand its historical emergence,
that is to say that it is also a physical experience and how they are remembered, stored in
bodily synapses that escape the rational mind.
The objective of this research is to identify and analyze some critical representations
about modern society in the film dreams, produced by the Japanese director Akira Kurosawa
in 1990. By locating the film under the sociological perspective, we elaborated a starting
question that guided us in the process of analyzing the responsible for the path of sociological
inquiry into the cinematic work: how are the problems of modern society represented in the
magical realism of the movie dreams? In delimiting the research question, we chose from the
very contact with the film which specific characteristics of modernity would be analyzed in
this dissertation. From this understanding come new questions about the dynamics of
modernity represented in the film and allowed us to organize an empirical and conceptual
body for this research.
The sociological analysis of the episodes was performed separately combining
descriptive analyzes of excerpts from dialogues of the films, cut-outs of scenes that make up
the films, application of an analysis table to the episodes, and narrative description of the
plots. The choice for Dreams was made taking into account the richness of the expensive
themes of modern society that the film addresses. Modern life appears represented in the film
in a way that deals with various issues that are part of the dynamics in society, always
magically and critically, Kurosawa with his sensitivity and cinematographic ability elaborates
and discusses questions that lead us to reflect on the limits of existence in society. world we
live in.
Artworks are objects created by artists and may contain creative and representational
elements of the creators and the society in which they are inserted. Thus we were careful to
respect the autonomy of the work of art, even if it is relative - and to understand the aesthetic
richness of a material subject to sociological investigation

The present study aims at analyzing the ways in which the Community Bank of Matarandiba - BCD Ilhamar operates, observing the principles of self - management, cooperation, economic viability and solidarity in the context of solidarity economy. For this purpose, we seek to analyze how the subjects that integrate this experience relate to each other and also verify how the relations of these subjects and the other members of the solidarity economic enterprise (EES) supported by the BCD Ilhamar reflect the principles that a priori serve as the north for the EES in the field of solidarity economy. The BCD Ilhamar is one of the initiatives of the Ecosmar Network, playing the role of socio-economic agent in the territory, seeking to strengthen the local economy. The research method used was the qualitative case study. The techniques used were bibliographic research, documentary research, semi-structured interviews and informal conversations. The present study points to evidence of the practices of these principles in the set of undertaken by the BCD Ilhamar, however, the field research carried out does not allow us to affirm that these principles are fully rooted in the practices of this enterprise and nor in the people involved in these processes, be it the community, local traders or even the people part of the EES analyzed.

The dissertation analyzes the social relation of hyposufficiency considering the premises
contained in the "101 Proposals for Labor Modernization" presented by the National
Confederation of Industry, which states that the Brazilian worker's condition of
hyposufficiency has changed substantially since its recognition by Labor Law in the 1940s of
the last century, due to the process of productive restructuring, transforming the Brazilian
worker into less hyposufficient, or even, considering some requirements, into hypersufficient
employees. The research also focused on this analysis, adding to this objective the new Law
13.467 which came into force in the course of the development of this work. The investigation
seeks to analyze whether such an assertion is pertinent from the understanding of the concept,
evolution, social relation of hyposufficiency by Labor Law in Brazil, considering theoretical
aspects and empirical researches. This study found that the Brazilian worker's condition of
hyposufficiency remains intact, in a level superior to the time of recognition, and the changes
imposed by the new labor legislation are not justified.

The work focuses on the theme of outsourcing regulation and banking call centers in Brazil, especially, banking outsourcing operated through call centers, practiced by so-called multiple and private banks that operate, predominantly, in the commerce and in the credit cards administration. In this context, the proposed question is: what were the results of outsourcing that the Citicard bank accomplished, between 2003 and 2013 in Bahia? The objective is to investigate the outsourcing of the Citicard call center, having as context the recent debates about the limits of outsourcing and its possible relation with the social precarization of work. The specific objectives are: to understand the role of regulation and institutions on the outsourcing, until the recent Labor Reform, and the interaction of this process with the outsourcing promoted by Citicard; to analyze judicial lawsuits promoted by call centers operators against the Citicard bank, claiming the illegality of outsourcing in Bahia from 2003 to 2013; to verify the case of outsourcing promoted by Citicard in a context of a specific reality of flexible capitalism; and, finally, to investigate the outsourcing of the call center, with a view to the impacts of successive contractual changes for the labor of women workers in this segment. The research methodology, adopted a qualitative approach, using as theoretical-methodological reference the historical materialism and using varied techniques of collection and analysis, such as: bibliographical review, documentary research, for example, on the outsourcing regulation of work in the country and its banking strand and in labor claims promoted by telemarketing attendants against Citicard. Finally, it was made a content analysis in relation to the gathered documents. The main categories and/or analytical concepts adopted for the development of the research were: work, precarization and outsourcing. The results indicate that, initially, the history of outsourcing in Brazil, including its banking cutoff, and the successive deals it has undergone over the last decades, by the most different political, juridical and economic institutions, reveals it as a trend process of discarding labor law protection limits, inserted in a broader context of structural crisis of capitalism and social precarization of labor. Moreover, the outsourcing promoted by the Citicard, with the emptying of the banking category, through the intermediation of the call center operators' labor, demoted the productive costs to the price a categorical and union normative framework less advantageous for the workers, with evident salary losses and various rights. 

The present work problematizes and transforms into an object of research as a society, marked
by less/fewer institutionalized forms of organization, perceives development issues, both at the
national and at the community level, based on the experience lived in daily life. This is because
the concept of development is classically conceived from categories like market, state and
society, in the mold of the capitalist organizations of Euro-Western societies. The development
category, which has liberalism as one of its main political-ideological pillars, in search of its
universality, disregards the historical and social contexts distinct from the Western, particularly
European. In the Bissau-Guinean context, we can see the presence of groups from the Bijagós’s
society of the Urok islands (Tcheden'a, Nagô and Formosa) with different visions and
development perceptions of the other (western) contexts, but inserted in the context and global
dynamics of capitalism. The research is justified by its importance in establishing some
parameters for the understanding of collective action and the endogenous demands: social,
cultural, political and ecological from the perceptions of the organizations and groups of the
Bijagós’s society, in the islands of Urok. It is pertinent because it aims to contribute to the
understanding of its social configuration and the perceptions of endogenous local development
in its relationship with the State and NGO´s.

This paper presents the construction of the image of the Landless Workers' Movement in the print media O Estado of São Paulo between 2001 and 2004. The first chapter deals with the historical conditions and the context of the Brazilian land structure. the process of colonization and the Land Law triggered in a concentrated and unequal land structure. Conservative modernization is analyzed as part of the historical process that resulted in the expropriation of peasants and the loss of their autonomy. In view of this, the MST arises, the ideological and political bases of the movement are discussed, as well as its internal organization. An outline of the performance and relationship of the movement with Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Lula government was drawn. Chapter 2 encompasses a theoretical discussion about media, its functioning, and the interactive processes that the media fosters. After that, a literature review was carried out with studies dealing with the topic of Media and MST. Researches dealing with the representation of the social movement in different media and the work of the landless people in front of different communicative vehicles were discussed. The media representation of the newspaper O Estado de São Paulo had as a cut four years (2001-2004), content and discourse analysis was used as methodology. The analysis of the construction of the image of the MST in the printed media had the following items: Matters per notebook; Journalistic Genre; Editorial; Sources Heard; Negative Terms; Forms of Action; Occupations; Conflict. After the presentation of the data, theoretical reflections were established on how the media builds the social movement and the landless subject. It also investigated the use of the MST in print media, addressing all that has been said: speeches and guidelines. As a result, it was possible to apprehend the action of the movement in front of the newspaper and also to verify which landless interlocutors address to O Estado de São Paulo.

This work aims to analyze the arrival and trajectory of the TDICs and the Internet as well as the resulting changes in the society of Sao Tome and Principe from the social agents involved. Thus, we also present the importance of issues relating access to networks, and information, inquiring with regard to digital inclusion and exclusion, and the role of the Internet for the socioeconomic development of Sao Tome and Principe, emphasizing aspects such as the democratization of information. Thus, three groups were selected to analyze the trajectory, relevance and social impacts of the TDICs and the internet in the country. The first group are the companies involved in the origin of the internet and the second group are the network access establishments. Through the research, we present the configuration of the problematic around the aspects that involves he evolution of the TDICs, emphasizing the social impact in the Santomean context, and from there we demonstrate the importance of the internet, analyzing and describing the projects that we think are pertinent to address the digital inclusion. São Toméan society came to live in the era of digital technologies, and the arrival of the Internet provided a digital revolution, bringing out various mechanisms, highlighting the digital interaction centers in the capital of each district of the country, digital Squares and several new websites beside other elements that have redefined the behavior of individuals as well as traditional media. However, even though it is an island country, Sao Tome and Principe, it cannot be left out of the TDICs, so it is important to insert it in the context of the information society, since the internet and digital media is can be an essential tools with regard to democratization of information, enabling a paradigm in the way individuals think about society.

This dissertation aimed to analyze the deliberative capacity of the Municipal Council of Social Assistance of the city of Salvador (CMASS) during the management of Civil Society in the 2016/2018 biennium. The CMASS was established by Municipal Law 5096/96 of January 8,

1996, as a collegiate deliberation body, permanent in the decentralized and participatory system of Social Assistance, being responsible for the coordination of the Municipal Social Assistance Policy. The analysis carried out permeates discussions about the relations between the State and Civil Society, the trajectory of the Social Assistance policy, the role of public policy management councils, the organization of the deliberative process and the social relations that permeate the daily life of CMASS. We identified that although the institutional design presents the necessary conditions for the democratic participation of the counselors and the organization of the deliberative process occurs in accordance with the Rules, documentary analysis, interviews and participant observation demonstrated that the operationalization of normative, deliberative and Control of the Policy by CMASS is marked by numerous difficulties, which are independent of the actions of the councilors, most of them due to the lack of political will of the municipal government to abide by the deliberations of the CMASS meetings. Which leads us to conclude that the deliberative capacity of the studied Council is limited by the action of the municipal government that plays a preponderant role for the deliberative capacity of civil society and social control to be realized. 

This qualitative study aims to analyze the experiences of Guinean students in the context of the city of. Therefore, information was gathered from the reading of articles, theses, dissertations and monographs that expose the experiences of students from the African continent in different Brazilian universities. Subsequently, data collection was carried out with students from the Males Campus, seeking to draw a socio-economic profile (nationality, ethnicity, language (s), course, student aid, housing), as well as data on the dynamics and contexts of the experiences of these students, based on issues involving the perception of the local population about Africa; Guinean students' view of Brazil; racism / prejudice situations experienced in the Brazilian territory, especially in São Francisco do Conde - Bahia; relationship with different nationalities; if there is racism in the country of origin; perception about being called African; aspects of the use of Portuguese and Creole languages; cultural affinities / differences between your home country and Brazil; perception about being an African student in Brazil; adaptation to the municipality; difficulties for integration; strangeness. Thus, the present research presents an understanding of the experiences lived by Guinean students in the city of São Francisco do Conde - Bahia, besides being a space to present the voices of the research subjects. The present study constitutes an extension of the discussions about the life trajectories of these students in the other's land, especially about the relations of sociability built in the various contexts of social interaction.

This study aims to analyze the revictimization – as a result of institutional violence – in cases of rape against women under the gender perspective. brief analysis of the case of the painter Artemísia Gentileschi, who, after being a victim of sexual abuse, was also a victim of the criminal system. Some aspects of the socio-legal context of these sexual offenses, highlighting it as a product of unequal power relations between men and women. From this point on, some aspects of the socio-legal context of sexual offenses are highlighted, understood as the product of unequal power relations between men and women

In this study we seek to analyze the representations of the Latin American continent in the larger work of Gabriel Garcia Márquez, One Hundred Years of Solitude (2012), the central work of the literary movement that became known with the Latin American magical realism. The Latin American magical realism in literature allowed our continent to become of great importance in the world literary scene. Our research takes as its starting point the novel itself, because, under the dialectic perspective employed here, the knowledge present in the work of art is part of a representation that is the synthesis of the determinations resulting from the reciprocally mediated relationship between the subject and social reality. In this way, through the analysis of a particular work of art, it is possible to access the values and representations of social struggles in a given historical period. Therefore, a literary work, as this synthesis between the creative subject and the objective world, becomes an important historical document that enables us to know a certain social reality.

This research intends to update some of the canons that are based on the organization and the
performance of the largest Brazilian party in terms of numerical representation between 2001
and 2018: the PMDB/MDB. The angular proposal is based on measuring and responding as the
impact of the appearance of some attenuating, like the dominant coalition, in the
operationalization of federalism as a centrifugal force in the party interior. The party
organization indicates that it suffers the impact of such changes when it presents a different
internal framework from the one anticipated in the 1980s and 1990s. Thus, we point out the
differences of internal organization from one period to the other, from changes observed in the
form of party members in key positions in the political-decision-making process (governingelectoral), in the construction and performance as well as in the profile of the dominant
coalition, in the heterogeneous/homogeneous constitution of the members of the National
Executive Committee, in the concentration and centralization of partisan power of the dominant
coalition according to the dehydration of the centrifugal force of federalism in promoting the
internal organization, in the relation with the federal governments of the period and in the
ideological profile of the party. The result of the combina tion of these variables indicates a set
of internal changes that differ and distinguish themselves from the characteristics found in the
organization and performance of both the old MDB and the PMDB of the 1980s and 1990s,
thus promoting another political-institutional physiognomy to the party.

This paper analyzes the relationship between the development of illegal drug markets controlled by bellicose criminal organizations and the social transformations in three popular neighborhoods of the Metropolitan Region of Salvador. The data collection techniques used were the direct observation, semi-structured interviews and the use of archives. Their results demonstrate how these organizations, through networks in Brazilian cities, have expanded their operational bases. It describes the intra-organizational structure, the relation of hierarchy and obedience, the composition of the functional body, the illegal merchandise marketed, the occupations, and the material gains. It elaborates a sociography of the social origin of the members of these criminal groups, emphasizing aspects such as citizenship, ethnicity, gender and age group. It examines the construction of an informal normalizing apparatus from which forms of social regulation and alternative means of obtaining justice are derived. It shows the development and consolidation of a type of family arrangement by association with coercive crime, whose foundations are rational and irrational forms of interaction such as hierarchy, functional division, affinity and trust, which consolidate an expansionist economic-territorial ethos through violent competitions and permanent cycles of retaliation. It demonstrates the resurgence of official violence in socio-political spaces controlled by these organizations and associates this factor with the militarized and bellicose strategy of the state’s public security policy and with a private police manual applicable only to the popular classes. It concludes by stating that the coexistence between warlike and coercive drug markets and the resident population has developed unconventional beliefs and values that have impacted the most diverse forms of sociability

ALBERTO, B. M. Prison in motion: a study under the on the character of imprisonment character in contemporary Mozambique, cases of Zambezia provincial and Manica regional prisons. 259.pp. ill 2019.Doctoral thesis - Programa de PósGraduação em Ciências Sociais, Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências, Universidade Federal da Bahia, Salvador, 2019.

It is true that prison is an institution that has soon become globally widespread, however its origin and vitality has never been completely similar, because the social and temporal contexts in which it has emerged, operated, and continue to operate are equally distinct. Driven by this spirit, we seek to explore a reality whose knowledge is limited: the incarceration in Mozambique in contemporary times, under two main perspectives. The first has its starting point on the model of organization of the Mozambican prison system. The second sought to examine how the prison population fits into this punitive model. The fieldwork was developed in two prison units of different levels, according to the classification established by the Mozambican prison system: the Zambezia Provincial Penitentiary Establishment and the Manica Regional Penitentiary Establishment. The methodology used was fundamentally qualitative, based on interviews with inmates and some prison guards and document analysis. We used some techniques of the quantitative method, but limited on mapping some pertinent realities to the analysis. The results of the investigation suggest that, first, prison is not an institution whose organization and operation are univocal, since each mode of organization and operation imposes a peculiar form of punishment. Second, in the specific case of Mozambique, imprisonment does not necessarily mean incarceration in a certain prison unit, but in various prison units of different levels, subjecting the detainees, including their relatives, to varied experiences with accessory and extensive micro-punishment, respectively.

Understanding the social and political reality of past is always a challenge, still more,
when you are a teacher of the High School Education, and precise to deal with
contemporary problems through facts and events of the past whichinitially they would
not have relation with the presente moment. In this scenery, the Cordel’s works
potentially appear like an educational resource that narrows these two spheres of the
social one in the only narrative. Based in this world of the words, specially of the sung
letter, orally, of the Cordel’s work, that I began my studies of Master's degree, particularly
preoccupied in understanding the form that these narratives, written by great Leandro
Gomes de Barros (1865-1918, PB), interpreted and showed the social, cultural and
political modifications resulted fromthe nascent Republic of our country. All of them lead
me to the next problem aimed research: How the Cordel’sliterature helps peopleto think
the modern proceedings of the First Republic? Having as the principal following aims:
identifying the changes of the political system of the 19th century period in order to
understand their repercussions on the Cordel’s works; Analysing the present
representations in the Cordel’s work through the interlacement of the biographical
process of the popular man of letters, cordelista, with the context social policy of
production of theirwork; analysing asthe constructive process of the Cordel’s workprints
a popular perspective of experiencing of the project of modernity of our country. Thus
From those objectives the corpus of those researches wereappointed whichall of them
were mounted through fifty six printed Cordels and later off they were subsequently
inserted in the software Atlas Ti., Those works can be found in the heap of the
Foundation House of Rui Barbosa. This corpus was analysed with the techniques
supplied by the Analysis of Content (AC) using also the tool of the clouds of words,
resultant force of the incorporation and codification of the material in the Atlas Ti. This
inquiry came to the conclusion of which those Cordel’s works, which were produced by
Leandro Gomes de Barros, show the voice of the people, and the popular longings:
around the high cost of life, payment of taxes, increase of the prices of the foods
(economical elements), of the formation of the national army of Brazil at World war I,
increase of the laws and of the prisons (factors of the national sovereignity and political)
and, finally, but not the least importante one, the presence of the paving, of the liberal
professionals, of the newspapers, and the habit of reading and of the Reading itself
(elements of order of the sociabilidades and of changes of the city). This immaterial
cultural inheritance of our country, the Cordel’s work, connects art and reality that
transcends the order of the time, of the author and of the reality.

This research aims to investigate the youth in brazilian trade unionism. For this reason, it was guided by the following question: how and in what way does the Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT) address youth issues? In other words, what is the place that issues related to the youth have in this trade union center practices? For achieving this, I seek to investigate the CUT Youth Department, a national body founded in 2008 that formulates CUT´s policies and positions on this issue, using sources such as interviews, statistical data, and CUT documents and booklets. The research found that although the center recognizes the specificities of Brazilian youth and its difficulties, their actions have been limited to this finding and the creation of formal spaces for the youth in the bureaucratic structure of the entity.

Nova Itapecerica is a rural locality of recent settlement, situated on the Litoral Norte of Bahia whose hamlets are widely determined by the arrivals of four main groups. These hamlets are divided between their traditions and a modernity that is fast approaching. Despite the extension of eucalyptus plantations on one hand, and the pressures that tourism development on the other hand exerts on resources, the families maintain a privileged relation with the nature which surrounds them, especially the palm tree piaçava. They maintain and develop know-how in the use of this one while practicing forms of horticulture. From the oral history, this thesis traces the constitution of this rural locality with the arrival of several waves of migrants, a history marked by numerous and violent conflicts. The development of the analyzes brings to light the variability of the relations between conflicts and sociability of cooperation. We explore how the techniques and the different local know-how implemented in the management of the environment play a significant role in the complex feelings of territoriality, belonging, cooperation and exclusion of these families. 

This study aims to understand the changes occurring within the state and in the public
University for the production of a new researcher in technology for the Oil sector. It is
a qualitative-quantitative investigation that made use a documentary analysis, as well
as semi-structured questionnaires and interviews applied to several actors involved in
three covenants of the National Petroleum Agency (ANP) with the Federal University
of Bahia (UFBA) under the Human Resources Training Program (PRH), between the
years 2000 and 2017. The initial hypothesis is that there is a process of conformance
of the university and of technological research to a new order of neoliberal nature
whose greatest mark in young researchers is the flexibility. It was concluded that the
neoliberal order interferes in various spheres of life and, especially, of the state.
Several public bodies translate this order by establishing companies as the maximum
expression of society. They are the ultimate end of research, who generate jobs,
guarantee scientific and technological progress and induce the competitiveness that
translates into economic growth and development. This expression finds an echo
within some research sectors of the university, because of the profound changes that
capitalism has passed since the 70’s. There is a diffusion of a new discourse, filled
with economic terms close to the orthodox economy and the establishment of a
network where public and private blend and begin to speak a common language:
competition, competitiveness, partnerships, innovation, etc., and also an idyllic vision
of technology, which is called, when we refer to the Universities, Academic Capitalism.
The PRH is an aspect of this expression, which finds an echo in the pupils themselves.
Due to this whole process, the flexibility is already incorporated and naturalized. In
some cases, it is to try to get patents, in others open a startup company, or even go
back to the school banks to get a master's or doctorate degree until a job opportunity
arises.

This thesis aims to analyze the construction of the professional identity of prison officers,
considered from the social, organizational and personal dynamics that impact and construct
the meaning of this work, the idea of who is the prisoner and the feeling of vulnerability or
power that appears in the interactions from the work in the prison context. Based on interviews
carried out in a prison unit in Salvador-Bahia with prison staff in different phases of the
professional trajectory, and questionnaires applied to the last contest held in the State in 2014,
with analysis based on the Data Based Theory, these three categories of analysis were
identified as interconnected dimensions that make possible the understanding of what
characterizes the performance and relationships established along the professional trajectory
of them. In the case of prisons and prison officers, there are specific characteristics lived in
this context, which build a peculiar culture and make it necessary for those who live in prison
to assimilate the current relational dynamics, especially because it is their own integrity
(physical, moral, emotional) as well as the safety of the unit and of those who are there, who
are at stake. A function historically composed of people with a socioeconomic reality not so
distant from the prisoners, is increasingly being occupied by professionals with other
backgrounds and coming from other cultural contexts. It was identified that, in these cases, the
existence of another professional identity adds to these subjects a subjective protection to the
adherence to this role, which protects them, especially, in extra-mural relations, for giving them
the opportunity not to affirm belonging to this professional category, despite the physical
vulnerability still to be perceived and, in the prison, potentiates the condition of detachment of
prisoners. The police perspective that permeates public security is also present among prison
agents, who have sought mechanisms to exercise power by minimizing relational issues and
prioritizing their own security. Changes in the jobs of the agents and the configuration of the
new prisons have also contributed to new configurations in the relationship between agents
and prisoners, currently marked by a greater distance. However, it is verified that, although the
agents with other formations try not to approach the inmates, there are relational, attitudinal
aspects related to this professional occupation that inevitably need to be assimilated to the
intramural work and, to some extent, begin to do part of the life experience of these subjects
also outside the walls. Thus, we also highlight aspects related to how the learning of this
function occurs in its relational condition. The analyzes carried out on the senses, feelings,
ideas, strategies and paths lived by these professionals have resonated with the studies of the
sociology of punishment such as Garland and Wacquant, from the sociology of prisons such
as Kauffman, Ramalho, Moraes, and Crawley, which interfaces from the sociology of prisons
to that of the emotions, as well as authors of the sociology of labor, such as Dubar.

This study aimed to investigate and analyze the narratives about Brazil and Brazilians built in
the pages of Folha de São Paulo in the first seven months of 2014, on the occasion of the return
of the FIFA’s World Cup to the country 64 years after it first pass, which is always recollected
by the press as the "tragedy" of 1950. The research had a database that included primary sources
- a total of 1.875 pdf documents from Folha de São Paulo - as well as secondary sources such
as international sports periodicals and the broadcasts of brazilian national team matches by the
official broadcaster of the tournament in Brazil. Inspired by the contemporary debate about the
hypothetical reiteration of the seminal narratives regarding the singularity of the Brazilian style
of play formulated by Gilberto Freyre and continued by Mario Rodrigues Filho, both by
journalists and by social scientists, as well as by the discussion that problematizes whether
football and the brazilian national team would still, as they were throughout the XX century,
privileged instruments of construction of narratives about Brazil and Brazilians, the research
proposed to revisit the moment that the modality arrived in the country, in the late nineteenth
century to the twentieth century, against the background of the discussions that characterised
the debate regarding Brazilian society and the social thought on that period. In this way, it is
believed that it’s better to visualize the seminal and contemporary narratives comparing them
in order to be able to infer, after all, if soccer and the brazilian national team would still be sui
generis elements for the constitution of narratives, metaphors and metonymies of brazilian
society and of our way of being in 2014 or whether, in fact, according to some contemporary
social scientists hypothesis, the amalgam football-nation-national identity would no longer
have the symbolic efficacy that it had in the last century.

This study investigates the fictional universe created by Milan Kundera in the novel The 

unbearable lightness of being (1984), considering the multiple relationships established
between literature and society. In the context artistic-literary, the kundera´s work appears as an
aesthetic solution to the contradictions of the postwar world, especially especially with regard
to the crisis of Soviet experience and the ideological aspects referred to this. The writer's
peculiar way of transposing into the novel's content and form the dissonances present in modern
society, in turn, allows us to observe one way of seeing and feeling the world in a given
historical period. Thus, the solution forged by the author designates both a perspective of
romance and an attitude towards the world. The narrative draws from the disenchantment of the
history its own form of configuration, so that the characters in this novel are enclosed within
the narrator-author's own disenchanted perspective, where, and this is a fundamental fact, the
history is no longer able to provide give individuals a horizon for their actions. Kundera does
not narrate an apocalyptic or dystopian world, but a world in which utopia is never a possible
reality or has become obsolete, perhaps laughable.

The study on men and masculinities is relatively recent in Brazil, but lately it is presenting itself as an important emerging area within gender studies. This paper analyzes the connection between masculinities and domestic violence against women. As men are the main perpetrators of domestic violence, this research seeks to understand how the construction of masculinity can influence their violent practices, by listening to speeches of men prosecuted by the Maria da Penha Law Nº11.340 / 2006. The qualitative research took place in the First Court of Domestic Violence Against Women in the city of Salvador – Brazil, where fifteen men were interviewed. As a result, it was possible to identify four categories of line of thought regarding domestic violence: a) Family Maintenance "traditional" and heteronormativity; b) Views on the woman c) Meaning of masculinity and macho; d) Conceptions on domestic violence against women. Thus, their speeches are based on hegemonic masculinity values, as the masculinity model is enforced by many different social institutions such as churches, schools, family and media. It is a model that reinforces the image of the aggressive man in power, who solves their problems with violence