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Ricardo Tupiniquim Ramos
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TOPONYMY OF BAIAN MUNICIPALITIES: DESCRIPTION, HISTORY AND CHANGES
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Leader : CARLOS FELIPE DA CONCEICAO PINTO
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MEMBRES DE LA BANQUE :
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DANTE EUSTACHIO LUCCHESI RAMACCIOTTI
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APARECIDA NEGRI ISQUERDO
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SUZANA ALICE MARCELINO DA SILVA CARDOSO
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AMERICO VENANCIO LOPES MACHADO FILHO
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MARIA VICENTINA DE PAULA DO AMARAL DICK
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Data: 10 avr. 2008
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Afficher le Résumé
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Toponym or geographical- (or place-) name is the object of Toponymy, a lexical and interdisciplinary science, based on geographic, historical, anthropological, sociological, etc. data. It’s a special linguistic sign, formed by significant, etymological meaning (whose transparency is associated to speaker's specialized knowledge), an identifying function to the referent place and an identity-attribution function to its inhabitant. As a common name, toponymy means a set of place-names. Until now, there has never been a systematic study of Bahia municipal place-names. It demanded a descriptive and interpretative work of current (year 2000) 417 names and a reconstitutive one of their previous chain in some periods (1824, 1889, 1940, 1970), in order to identify: the nature, structure and origin of names; motivation and trends on the definition and choice of names; the possible relationship between them and the settlement of areas; the patterns of toponymic change (unexplored theoretical theme in Brazil); areas of salient Portuguese, African and Indigenous influence, focusing on this last one and emphasizing Tupi origin; the disposition of names at those pointed years. First, there was the survey and registration of geographichistorical and socio-cultural data of each municipality on standard formularies, base for the elaboration of a glossary, source, in turn, for tables of toponymic-historical data, which show the existence of two large areas of Tupi presence: Serra Geral ‘the Large Montain Range’ and Planalto da Conquista ‘the Conquest Plateau’ area; the Coastal Strip. Zone of ancient colonization, this one reflects an authentic influence of old ancient Tupi speakers, whether Indians or colonizers; those, cause of their latest integration to other regions of Bahia, reflects time fads. Limited data from the large African ethnolinguistic matrix don’t allow affirming the existence of African influence areas. However, there is a large discontinuous area that concentrates African five current toponyms and a hybrid form (the South Coast, the Serra Geral, the Southwest). In addition, complementary historical data show a higher incidence of African toponyms in the late 19th-century Bahian village nomenclature, enabling future identification of other African-influenced areas. It wasn’t possible, either, to identify an area of greatest Portuguese influence on Bahian macrotoponymy, because Portuguese names are general. The data point to an opposition between description and homage as the most recurrent naming processes and as true toponym archetypes. Between 1824 and 1890, there was no significant change in these mechanisms. From 1940 on, there was a growth in references to political power and a significant decrease in references to supernatural power, a movement stabilized from 1970 on, although some data show the advance of homage to secular power. Simple formation and composition are the most recurrent morphological processes in the corpus, although derivation and flexion are present throughout history. In all Bahia, there is the passage of natural-reference names to cultural-reference ones. On Bahian macrotoponimy formation, some lexemes and grammar morphemes are recurrent, especially Tupi ones (mostly descriptive, some with low or isolated incidence). Among them, some work as a determined element, occupying, inside toponymic phrase, initial or final position (accompanied by a determining adjective) and medial position (on pure genitive relation or added by locative construction). There’s no concentration of linguistic fossils only among the oldest municipalities, because some of the newest cities also contain them. From postindependence until the mid-1950s, it was common the replacement of Portuguese forms by Tupis ones. Bahian corpora doesn’t fully confirm the discontinuous pattern of toponymic change; so, the existence of discontinuous non-directionality of these changes is not affirmable. It was possible to identify 10 categories of toponymic change, paired from 5 cumulative criteria: conditioning factor (spontaneous or natural changes vs. planned or systematic ones); category conservation / innovation (partial or formal changes vs. total or categorical ones); relationship between the size of old and new name (magnification changes vs. reduction ones); linguistic conservation (internal changes vs. translations or external ones); presence of formants from the old name (lexical conservation changes vs. regression).
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