Soon after the end of the Second World War, the major powers saw the need to rebuild Europe, both economically and structurally. This movement became known as the Marshall Plan, which was the seed for what later, when the same type of plan was thought to apply to countries in the Global South, came to be called Official Development Assistance. This aid involved the transfer of resources and/or knowledge from the countries of the Global North to the countries of the South, which is why it became commonly known as North-South Cooperation. From the outset, however, the countries of the South criticized the conditionalities imposed by the countries of the North in order for aid/cooperation to take place. Out of this discomfort emerged a model of cooperation between the countries of the South, South-South Cooperation, which emphasized horizontality and respect for sovereignty. Until the mid-1970s, South-South cooperation managed to influence development debates until, due to a series of economic crises, it lost momentum in the 1980s and 1990s. In the 2000s, there was a resurgence of South-South Cooperation due to the strong economic growth of some countries in this area of the globe, especially the BRICS countries. It is possible to see the influence that these emerging countries had on world politics and economics at the beginning of the 21st century in various sectors of society, including the regional integration policies of the geographical space in which each of these countries was located. In South America, one of the main organizations focused on the regional integration process, when thinking about non-traditional actors, is the Mercocidades Network, a network of cities founded in the wake of the creation of Mercosur with the mission of boosting identity and regional integration to ensure the development of cities and well-being in South America. The aim was to deepen regional integration, in other words, to discuss regional integration from the local level, from the cities, by institutionalizing the Network in the Mercosur organization chart. With the resurgence of South-South cooperation, in the early 2010s the Network began to draw up a cooperation program based on the principles of SouthSouth cooperation, decentralized cooperation earsn effectiveness. This new earsn, entitled “Mercocidades South – South Cooperation Program”, is the direct earsng na internal demand from the Network’s members, but it can also be seen as the pursuit of a strategic objective, which is to become a relevant international player on the global stage by adhering to global issues, such as the Sustainable Development Goals, given the little concrete action the Network has had with Mercosur over the last two decades. By highlighting institutional earsng and the relationship with Mercosur over the ears, this study aimed to understand the Network’s role in the International Development Cooperation System, through the Mercocidades South-South Cooperation Program, in view of its institutional mission. The research was based on a theoretical-conceptual framework derived from Liberal Neo-Institutionalism and Constructivism. It concludes that the Mercocidades Network, with a view to deepening regional integration, has created, through the Program, a space for training and disseminating knowledge among its members which, although limited, tends to increase regionality due to greater interaction and exchanges of perceptions between member cities.

Internet and digital platforms development accelerates information flows and leads countries to build specific legislation that regulates the spread of online content. The goal: to prevent cybernetic threats and harmful content. China, whit its Cybersecurity Law and other regulatory initiatives from The Golden Shield Project, plays a central role in the international arena as it establishes new regulatory parameters that concentrate on its own version of concepts such as sovereignty, human rights, and cybersecurity. As a result, the criticism of this scenario is becoming more intense. "China is reinforcing its authoritarian and human rights violator features". However, would this assumption be fair? Through documental analysis and bibliographic research on Cybersecurity Law and other legal documents, this work aims to discover to what extent the Chinese legislation on Internet regulation refers to human rights. In the first chapter, we study the Chinese Internet and its main attributes. After this topic, the focus is directed towards the various perspectives on human rights that coexist in China. Lastly, in the third chapter, the goal is to study the documents selected. In addition, this dissertation analyses the value of the negative reviews on the Chinese regulatory system, commonly given by western researchers and specialists. Therefore, our research aims to discover new analytical avenues that allow us to criticize China without disregarding its advances in human rights and the remaining obstacles in this area.

The United Nations (UN) Peace Operations system is one of the most discussed mechanisms of the institution due to the dichotomy between the use of the military apparatus and the objective of seeking peace or maintaining it. Paramilitary groups, or armed non-state groups, have become a challenge for the fulfillment of the purposes of the missions, as they have become protagonists in armed conflicts, even challenging the role of the State, placed by the UN on several occasions as the engine of international mobilizations. The general objective of this work is to analyze the effects of the actions of paramilitary forces in UN peacekeeping operations, based on the analysis of the civil conflict present since the 90s in the current Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), with emphasis on how these missions changed their strategies and tactics as a result of the conduct of these non-state actors. For the realization of these objectives, it was necessary to carry out a documental research guided by the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly, as well as reports and opinions of nongovernmental organizations that are present in the territory and seek to improve their activities from the mapping of the kind of groups, in addition to a bibliographic exploration for the conceptual development of the research and its conclusion. Thus, the first attempt is to understand the organization's legal framework. The steps that a peace operation is built have a formula that changes from the movement of conflicts, however, there are basic concepts that seek to remain in the operation’s actions and that are challenged by the new actors in the field of the conflict. Second, the peacekeeping missions within the DRC are not exceptions to these transformations. Started mildly for the purpose of monitoring peace agreements, they have become robust over time. The reasons for this are based on how the paramilitary groups conduct the conflict. They are volatile actors, with heterogeneous performances that do not have simple forms of control. As a result, the UN needed to adapt so that its actions were more direct and incisive against these groups. These adaptations, however, did not guarantee the permanence of several principles preserved by the institution, such as impartiality, consensus of the parties and the minimum use of violence resources, which requires a clear documental transformation of the UN on its basic precepts so that there is greater coherence between documents and tactical actions.

The Geneva Consensus Declaration on Promoting Women's Health and Strengthening the Family was signed in 2020, by thirty-two countries, with the intention, according to its architects, of defending women's health, protecting life at all stages, guarantee the sovereign right of each nation to make its own laws and promote the strengthening of the family. This research aims to analyze the Geneva Consensus, understanding the process of formation, articulation and formalization of the coalition arising from the document. To carry out this research, I use bibliographic and documentary methodology, using discourse analysis as a qualitative technique. Thus, I begin the work by mapping the main normative advances in the United Nations System regarding sexual and reproductive rights and the disputes that have formed around these rights, with the Cairo Conference (1994) as its starting point. Next, I analyze the anti-gender movements that have been consolidated in the last two decades, focusing on their emergence, discursive practices and sustained political action. Furthermore, I examine the DCG, through the text and the speeches and interests defended by the signatories. I conclude that the DCG is a “normative seam” that materializes an anti-gender policy, through the construction of a transnational bloc that disputes the human rights narrative.

The present research seeks to discuss the process of implementation of the National Program of School Feed (PRONAE) in Mozambique, implemented by international cooperation based on the brazilian program (PNAE), between the Years of 2013 and 2015. In this research, the analysis will be guided by the report provided by the executing agencies, specialized bibliography on the theme and oficial documents. Will be discussed theoretical questions about International Development Cooperation, South-South cooperation and the Brazilian Cooperation for International Development (COBRADI), as well a brief presentation of Mozambique, with aspects of local history, and the historic of the relations between Brazil and Mozambique, in order to understand the path token to close this cooperation partneship. Will be deated, as weel, issues about Food and Nutricional Security (SAN) and about the importance of school feed to the children and teenagers. Finally, these factors helps to understand the paths token by the mozambican public power and what has been achieved, taking into account what is described in the implementation report and in Other official documents consulted.

The dissertation analyzes the externalization of border control and the impacts related to its implementation on migratory flows and in the territories of origin, during the specific period related to the “Mediterranean Crisis of 2015”. It will consider how the European Union and its member countries have virtually extended their borders towards the countries of North Africa, creating what we argue is a European meta-border on African soil, so that migratory containment could start where the migrant was located – his country of origin. The consequences of this behavior are illustrated, from the transfer of responsibility to third countries in the management of migration, as well as the subsequent impact generated in guaranteeing the human rights of migrants. The European panorama is also listed at the time of the “2015 Migration Crisis” and the context within which cooperation agreements begin to be signed is established. For this, we mostly use bibliographic review and analysis of data provided by official reports from the European Parliament and international organizations (UN, UNHCR, TNI, IOM, among others). The work contextualizes the migratory flows during a short time frame and proceeds to the evaluation of bilateral and multilateral agreements carried out by the EU with specific countries, the performance of European Agencies in the Mediterranean, the forms of surveillance and securitization adopted for migratory control, as well as the role of cooperation - through the “Trust Fund for Africa” - in the management of African migratory flows. These agreements are analyzed and discussed how their mobilization effectively creates a European meta-border on the African continent, with the flexibilization of responsibilities, in a travesty of cooperation for migration administration. Finally, an attempt was made to demonstrate the consequences of this European behavior, with the legitimation of non-democratic governments, increased violence and  decrease in the effectiveness of human rights

In the context of international relations, it took several decades for the debate around the concept of gender to be incorporated by international institutions. The Fourth World Conference on Women (Beijing, 1995) was a milestone in this process, as it defined the principle of gender as mainstreaming for the international agenda and public policies, and the empowerment of women as central actors in political actions. As of 1995, the United Nations - UN opened a new and challenging horizon for international institutions, inserting the issue of gender inequality as central to international organizations, agencies and funds. However, this change has not been incorporated in the same way by the various actors, requiring even deeper changes in financial institutions, traditionally androcentric and elitist.  This dissertation aims to understand how the World Bank, a financial organization created in 1944, in Bretton Woods, as one of the pillars of the post-war period, incorporated the gender dimension in its actions. The research was based on specialized bibliography, as well as the survey and analysis of the reports Women, Business and the Law, produced by the World Bank during the last decade (2010-2020), for Latin America and the Caribbean, focusing on Brazil. The reports assess how laws can hinder and/or prevent women from entering the labour market and achieving financial independence in 190 economies. Despite the relevance of the Women, Business and the Law reports and other research produced by the institution in the area of gender, it is unclear how the World Bank applies this data in investment decision-making processes. The dissertation revealed that neoliberal macroeconomic policies override new perspectives on investment in the fight against gender inequality, interfering not only in the decision-making process, but also in the formulation and application of efficient and effective actions for the gender issue and especially in the amount to be invested.

Feminist advancement over the years ensured that women activists, combatants, academics, teachers, politicians and militants could be recognized as active agents of history and heroines for many.  Although we have a common enemy –patriarchy, it is known today that our agendas and struggles are very similar but also different at the same time; consequence of different historical processes that left and still leaves marks according to specific experiences. Feminist criticism of the idea of “universal woman” is not recent, but it was in the last decades that we were able to hear the voices of women's movements in different socioeconomic and political contexts about the specifics of their experiences. It is because of the recognition of the importance of this plurality that this research gives rise to the interest in approaching the academic contribution of feminists still subaltern (marginalized) in the field I.R –especially, but not exclusively, of those who produce intellectually from Latin America. Situated in the field of International Relations, at the interface with gender studies and political theory, this is a qualitative research of a descriptive and exploratory nature, divided into two lines of investigation: the first consists of a broad bibliographical review on the feminist theory of IR and the intellectual production of subalternized Latin American feminists, however, not limited to them. The second consists of an analysis of the possible and rich academic contribution of these authors with regard to theorizing in IR, through feminism. Through what has been exposed, it is important to understand that the intention of the discussion proposed in this work aims to broaden the theoretical debate within the field of International Relations from feminist views arising from the so-called peripheral countries that are still marginalized when we speak of legitimizing the construction of knowledge/ production of knowledge within the Discipline.

The present dissertation, of theoretical and methodological nature, aims to propose a decolonial reading of Lélia Gonzalez's thought. For this, a study of the decolonial theoretical approach of the Modernity/Coloniality/Decoloniality Group (M/C/D) and of Lélia's work will be made. A bibliographic review will be carried out which connects relevant concepts to decolonial thinking, especially the coloniality of power, understood through its five levels of control; modernity/coloniality, and (trans)modernity. The choice of working with the M/C/D Group is due since it is a set of works and authors constantly revisited within the field of International Relations. The key categories in understanding Lélia Gonzalez's thinking will also be addressed: “black woman” as a category of analysis; pretuguês; afro-latin-american feminism and amefricanity. The purpose of such a decolonial reading of Lélia Gonzalez's writings, is to bring up points and convergence in her thinking that helps (re)think important ideas and debates inside the decolonial studies field and, consequently, inside the International Relations field as well. The joint readings of both thoughts reveals how Lélia Gonzalez's writings explain coloniality, complexify decoloniality and bring attention to the notion of modernity. Therefore, the author's thought has epistemic and ontological potential for bringing the amefricana and ameríndia perspectives in its praxis of articulation of oppression, as well as (re)exist and (re)signify. Therefore, this dissertation aims to contribute to the decolonial debate by inserting the perspective of Brazilian authors and their decolonial projects, through categories that together bring up a reading on how to transform the world.

This dissertation, of empirical nature, aims to analyse the construction of transnational activism through the analysis of the actions of the NGO Women on Waves, an NGO based in the Netherlands. This research proposes to implement women's reproductive rights through international waters and, by force of the resistance that these rights arouse, its activism has sparked debate. The dissertation project aims to analyze the problem of women's sexual and reproductive rights from a specific perspective: the study of the practices of the NGO Women on Waves, which subsequently changes its form of action and becomes Women on Web. Therefore, it will be analyzed and studied through Cosmopolitanism, democratic iterations and advocacy across borders theories, respectively from Seyla Benhabib, Margareth Keck and Kathryn Sikkink. Through bibliographic review, we tried to present the concepts correlated to the construction of those theories. One of the objectives of the realization of the analysis of these theories, together with the WoW movement is to bring up points of convergence in these approaches that will help (re)think important ideas and debates of international relations through contemporary political processes. Thus, this research aims to present contributions to the construction and tensioning of the debate within the IRs, inserting the perspective of authors mentioned above. A convergent way of understanding this movement is based on international studies and how these are linked to the perception of feminism as a political field of discursive practices and its interaction process. The methodology of this work involves the development in exploratory and descriptive research molds. Thus, we will approach through theories the construction of networks and dissemination of sexual and reproductive rights, within the field of International Relations. The core of this proposal lies in discussing such rights since the optics of cosmopolitanism and, through them, the internal disputes to human rights today, analyzing the actions of the NGO Women on Waves. This analysis aims to think about how activism for women's reproductive rights contributes to reconfiguring the demos of democracy.

The research presented here aims to understand, under the historical-material perspective, which processes within the scope of International Relations that led Venezuela to perpetuate the situation of an underdeveloped country and the political-economic crisis from internal and external factors that, combined, culminated in the impossibility of  Venezuelan developing, between the years 1976 and 2013. The literature review made from the reading of the theorists of imperialism (linked to the Marxist tradition) are an important tool for the understanding of the dynamics of accumulation of capitalist production on a global scale, as well as the correlations with the oil industry within the scope of geopolitics; the formation of power blocs in the objectification, planning and construction of a national development project (still maintaining the contradictions of the capitalist mode of production internally) must also be taken into account, especially in the case of Venezuela. The country, which has oil as the driving force of its export agenda, faced the aggravation of the aforementioned crisis with the drop in the price of a barrel of oil from 2015 (which reached the mark of US $ 30.00 in 2016). Recent Venezuelan history has been marked by differences in development processes with respect to the use of foreign currency from the oil sector; the problematization of the country's dependence on oil has already been pointed out by authors such as economist Celso Furtado, who recognized the benefits of “black gold” as a potential source of foreign exchange, but advocated the need for caution regarding the lack of industrial diversification . Without prejudice to the country's contextual observation, it is pertinent to analyze the strategies adopted by Venezuela after the emergence of Petróleos de Venezuela SA (PDVSA) - regarding the use of petroleum currencies -, seeking to understand the relationship between the different political projects who have headed the country since then and the possible overlapping with Venezuelan development, based on the relationship with the imperialist dynamics (as an expression of the expansion of the process of accumulation in space) and its implications for internal / external contradictions.

The foreign relations of Mercosur had an external representative office/body as of the end of 2010: the High General Representative of Mercosur (ARGM). He received numerous assignments in the Mercosur’s foreign relations and also in intra-Mercosur matters. The links promoted in the body's activities in foreign relations were political, much more than commercial. The assignments did not follow the mainstream way of negotiating with third parties towards free trade. And, although characterized as “maximum representative” and “the face of Mercosur”, its extinction occurred in early 2017. This situation motivated, in this dissertation, to understand the activities of the ARGM together with Mercosur’s foreign relations. For this, with documentary and bibliographic research procedures, the investigation covers four guiding threads, which organize the dissertation. These threads indicate the singularity of the ARGM and, especially, its (in)adequacy for the periods of the "new Mercosur" and "Mercosur of the 21st century" and the respective regional political projects conducted in such periods. In addition, as the ARGM was created and extinguished, respectively, in these periods of Mercosur history, this dissertation explains differences between the projects regarding Mercosur’s foreign relations.

Facing the panorama of transnational companies non-accountability referred to human rights violations attached to enterprises activities, this dissertation analyzes the political conditions that make this phenomenon doable. Associating normative research with case study, the work reflects about impunity political structuration, mobilizing four sociability aspects of the current production system: capital, state, neoliberalism and extractivism. Within the International Relations scope, Chevron case in Ecuador is accessed as a relevant historic event to uncover the connections between local and global characteristics. The case synthesizes several elements over the research problem, specifically because it is an example of deliberated contamination inside amazonian territory, but also as one of the litigations that went further to account a transnational company due the damages caused by its nature’s resources exploitation activities. Based on the theoretical framework, the analysis stimulate a constant attention to the political and economic power hierarchies and inequalities involving the division between center and periphery, what is a result of international labor division. Alongside the exposition, the following conclusions are shown: a) there is a structural production of corporate impunity that is safeguarded by the capital accumulation reproduction cycle needs; b) the state is essential to guarantee the conditions of non-accountability and its capacities are radicalized during neoliberalism, when public authorities and institutional tools are captured in favor of transnational capital; c) extractivism as global accumulation chain productive source parallel to modernity is ideologically and politically kept as historic way of development, even amid the Latin-american pink wave, what strengthens the permissiveness related to continuously damaging corporate activities; d) the law in an ambiguous element which act between coercion and consensus. It is constantly used in global and national ambits to re-regulate the norms which enforce the extractivist production and to guarantee the expectations for accumulation actors integrated to the value global chain, based in relations for coloniality and imperialism reproduction. This is how the research recognize the set of political structures that (re)produce the corporate impunity in contemporary capitalism.

The New Silk Road (NSR) is a major infrastructure project, global connectivity and trade facilitation that was presented by Chinese President Xi Jinping in late 2013. In 2014, the Chinese government launched the New Century Maritime Silk Route XXI as a joint to NRS in the field of maritime economy. This initiative involves huge investments for the construction of ports, gas pipelines, oil pipelines, railways and highways that make connections both mainland and sea between Asia, Africa and Europe. NRS alludes to the old silk route that was based on an economic and tribute system centred on China and energized by merchants who moved through caravans, on boats or camels, to market a variety of products manufactured in silk, porcelain, steel, glass, wood, plus spices. Despite the historical allusion, the 21st century NRS has little similarity to the old trade routes, because its context in the global political economy of capitalism is significantly different. As there are plural forms of interpretation in the academic field on topics related to global political economy, the New Silk Road would be no different. In this sense, this dissertation aims to present, through a literature review, interpretations of the New Silk Road, inserted in the debate about the recent rise of China, within the scope of the critical International Political Economy of the world systems. This is a perspective which has a multidisciplinary character to examine the complexity of global economic relations. This research was carried out through the study of publications in articles and books on the subject. In addition, data from financial or state institutions were used, as well as indicators released by multilateral organizations.

This essay intends to analyze the effects of the paramilitary groups in the peace operations of the United Nations (UN) in the civil conflict of the current Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) from a vision of the missions themselves. It seeks to understand how they shape the performance of operations, especially in the eastern part of the country, where most of the hostilities between para-state actors and institutions are centralized, having as their initial milestone their implementation in the 1990s. The UN peacekeeping operation in the DRC today named MONUSCO is one of the largest peacekeeping operations in nowdays and also the one with the largest budget, and is therefore a rich focus for analysis and academic disciplines. Its method and its evolution provide several turning points, transformations and resolutions not seen in other operations. Many of these transformations and many of the new Security Council resolutions have emerged in response to the actions of paramilitary groups that are taking place as protagonists in several conflicts where the UN is present through its peace operations. In these mandatory, this paper seeks to raise the discussion on how paramilitary groups redefined themselves as state-owned and institutional operations, listing the paramilitary role in armed conflicts and the UN reactions to them, using the DRC conflict as a basis for analysis.

In a world increasingly connected by the globalization process, the notion of sovereignty faced with the integration endeavors observed in various parts of the international arena seems weakened. In the European Union, this enfeeblement became remarkable after the outbreak of the crisis of 2008 and the subsequent crisis of 2010, which put at risk the whole stability of the bloc, and brought to the fore the enormous socioeconomic disparities between the center and the periphery of the continent. This inequality of power has diminished the sovereign power of the Union's poorest countries, and the directions it can take have become significantly more uncertain. It is within this context that we find the objective of this research: analyzing the tensions between the concepts of integration and national sovereignty within the European Union, taking as an example the central-periphery relations in the post-crisis of 2008, focusing on two nations from both sides: Germany and Greece. The relationship between these two countries, and the completely different way in which they were impacted by the crisis, serves to illustrate the power gap between the center (represented in Germany) and the periphery (represented in Greece). The relevance of exposing these events in perspective is to contribute to a better understanding of the flow of the international economy, and how a country or an economic bloc can influence - negatively or positively - the global community, due to the interdependence brought about by the globalization process.

The research aims to investigate the gender issues in Brazilian community abroad and how, under these circumstances, was managed the process of creating a public sphere and the democratic iterations with the Brazilian State for the joint construction of consular actions to support female emigrants. Three conditions were important to initiate the phenomenon that has been strengthen since XX century: the restructuring of global economy in the 1980s, which drove the flow of emigrants from Brazil to USA, Japan and Europe, and the strengthening of transnational political networks; the democratic transition of Brazil in the same period, opening possibilities of dialogue with Brazilians abroad, that influenced a foreign policy based on the defense of human rights and democratic policies; the influence of the international regime of women’s rights, promoted by United Nations encounters, which started to adopt the gender-biased perspective in governmental and international institutions, called gender mainstreaming. The great discussion about this though happened from 1995, in Women’s Conference in Beijing. The investigation is based on two recent moments: first, in the discussion from conferences between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Brazilian community abroad on gender issues, which occurred between the years of 2014 and 2018. Second, in consular actions that are still in course considered as “gender issues” by emigrants and Itamaraty. The main interest of the investigation is in the process of democratic iterations between the parts – Brazilian State and emigrant citizens, through the theoretical tool of Seyla Benhabib. Among results, there is the influence of migrant’s social networks in the construction of these gender actions in Brazilian consulates, being configured from brazilian women’s narratives in their countries of destination. In addition, the constitution of political spheres maintained between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Brazilian community which made possible the process of democratic iterations whose goals was to improve the channels of capture of gender demands for the Brazilian women in the world.

This dissertation discusses the issue of migration, especially the refugee question and the implications of sexuality and gender in the reality of women and LGBTQI people, analyzing the language of rights that governs society, in political, social, public and private spheres. The general objective of the dissertation is to understand how
international norms and standards define who is intelligible as human being. Was analyzed i the United Nations Organization as reference and based, above all,
documents prepared by its Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees. It also works as an understanding of the State as an association of bodies and construction of the collective and dependent conscience that produces a symbolic idea of a sovereign body, based on the mutual dependence of the universal condition. The understanding of bodies as the "first skin" of this system plays a fundamental role in discussing what is considered human and how this concept was constructed. The "second skin" analysis  brings the idea of refuge and the "twice-strange" body, specifically referring to its condition of (i) being a body outside of its native country and (ii) being a gender refugee, or it does not fit perfectly into what is produced by the new community as a way of life. Finally, It seeks to analyze the role of the State in relation to the problem of the refuge due to gender and how this destabilizes the idea that we are all equal before the law.

The purpose of this master thesis is to contribute to the study of International Relations with a diverse loci elucidation, in contrast with the traditional locus Anglo-Saxon. Focusing on the investigation of actions of political and social resistance to Eurocentric modernity from the experiences of Brazilian black community. The “quilombo” as a black African resistance to Portuguese imperialist urges, in general also to western imperialist, was a practice against hegemony, and remains. The main question of this paper is “What is the contribution of the quilombola experience to social coexistence that sets it apart from the counterpoint proposed by modernity/ coloniality of power?”. To do so, the historical rescue of the colonization process in Brazil and the constituent parts of the construction of the “Brazilian nation” is made from a Brazilian Afrocentric theoretical point of view with names such as Abdias do Nascimento (1978; 2002), Beatriz Nascimento (2014), Lélia Gonzalez (1988) and Kabengele Munanga (2001). This theoretical perspective taken for the analysis of the problem developed here fits into the decolonial thinking, in which “the borders are not only this space where differences are reinvented, they are also a place where we have plural enunciation from which knowledge is formulated from perspectives, worldviews or the experiences of subaltern subjects.” (BENARDINO-COSTA & GROSFOGUEL, 2016, p. 19). The theoretical choices for this work are not made by the arbitrary decision of select authors solely by the racial identity of them, but by the engagement with the committed to knowledge against hegemonic. More specifically, the choice of the field and the overall aim of this work, which focus on the political-social resistance of black-African heritage in Brazil, intends to incorporate Lélia Gonzalez's (1988b) category of “Amefricanidade”, bringing it that are not only Eurocentric values capable of shaping social political relations in the modern world. From that, it is possible to indicate different and alternative parameters to modernity.

Brazil occupied an important position in the International System, serving as a strong instrument for the articulation of cooperation between the countries of the South. Although it was not a precursor of South-South cooperation, throughout the first decade of the 21st century, it was avant-garde in internationalizing social programs to reduce hunger and inequality. Regarding relations with the African continent, the Brazilian cooperation model began to be built, based on speeches that aimed to distance itself from the rhetoric of traditional vertical cooperation. Specifically with Angola, such relations are bordered by similar historical and cultural elements, whose economic interactions have been expanded, since 1980, by Technical Cooperation. Mainly in the areas of health, culture, public administration, professional training, education, environment, sports, statistics and agriculture. The dissertation presented seeks, in general, to understand the aspects of Cooperation for Development between the Federative Republic of Brazil and the Republic of Angola. Above all, in the period from 2003 to 2015, as well as understanding the reasons why Brazilian cooperation with Angola, regarding financial transfers, was less relevant in relation to other African countries, notably the Portuguese-speaking countries. It appears that, among other things, this cooperation is strategic to the strengthening of socio-political and economic ties between the two countries.

This dissertation consists of an analytical mapping of the food security debate within the global agenda for sustainability and climate crisis. Its main objective is to reconstruct the transition from the discourse of food security as an economic project to a discourse governed by the problematizations of sustainable development in the face of the alarming climate crisis. The work is divided into three central parts. Initially, in chapter two, data are brought from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), World Bank, among others, to link food security with the problematics of the climate crisis, identifying vulnerabilities and future scenarios. In the sequence, the third chapter makes a bibliographic review using of Keohane, Krasner and Ruggie in the construction of the global regimental transformations. In this chapter, the authors debate the roles of States and institutions for the construction of cooperation and international regimes, illustrating the understood paths for the globalization of policies. The fourth chapter presents the international alarms on the sustainability of the development process and the risks to food security, in the Meadows and “Our common future” reports, followed by a mapping of the questioning of food security in the agreements and reports of the International Climate Conferences, highlighting the synergy between the themes as a fundamental global advance. Finally, the final considerations present a balance of the dissertation, recognizing the slow adoption of global policies and the significant advances made by the institutions and the scientific community, in addition to provoking other areas for analyzing the interdependence of food security.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the internationalization process that the Federal Public Prosecution Service (MPF) undergoes since the Federal Constitution of 1988, as well as the main institutional expression of this process, marked by the development of interactional legal cooperation. The new order established by the Federal Constitution of 1988 is in the context of the end of the Cold War and the deepening of the various processes of globalization. The advances in economic, political and cultural interdependence that are accentuated around the world lead to questions and adaptations of the classic concept of sovereignty, as well as domestic and international relations, which have marked the political order since the Peace of Westfalia (1648). In addition to economics, politics and culture, the justice system has also been affected by these transformations. At the global level, initiatives such as the creation of the International Criminal Court (2000) or the recognition of the jurisdiction of regional human rights courts are references in legal cooperation between states. In the Brazilian domestic sphere, central actors of the justice system follow and adapt to this trend. Among these actors, the performance of the Federal Public Prosecution Service stands out, which is internationalized through changes in the internal institutional design and the participation of international legal cooperation networks. The dissertation analyzes, in particular, the Secretariat of International Cooperation created in the MPF and the cooperation networks that this institution becomes part of, aiming to analyze the scope and the limits of the internationalization of this actor, as well as the transformations that this process has brought to the concepts of sovereignty and the performance of other actors.

As its general purpose, this research sought to analyze the fencing processes registered in the last 30 years, in order to understand what they reveal about globalization and its potentialities. Regarding methodology, the work was based on indirect documentation, with further support in primary and secondary sources. A systematic review of the literature was carried out, which included reading and analyzing books, scientific papers published in journals, dissertations and academic theses on globalization, cosmopolitanism and the neoliberal expansion tendencies that deepened since the 1980s. The research is divided in a theoretical and analytical approach, developed mainly in the first two chapters, and an exploratory empirical approach, described in the third chapter; as a result, it was noted that the dynamics of fencing contradicts the cosmopolitan prism, according to which the processes of globalization consubstantiate the establishment of a window of opportunity for the
reconfiguration of State sovereignty, in the sense of the emergence of a model of an international liberal sovereignty - or one with greater popular participation -, aimed at flexibilizing borders. The building of walls points to a distinct dialectic, that is, the flexibilization of State sovereignty by a transnational sovereignty with even less popular participation. Based on the analysis of the fencing dynamics and the decision processes on the construction of these walls, it was not verified that the globalization has acted in a way to create new locus or democratic bonds. It was concluded that the dynamics of raising new border walls are tainted by neoliberal rationality and caters to the deepening of the global neoliberal political project, as it participates in the creation
of "safe" spaces for global capitalism. Instead of experiencing a world without borders - a utopia of a cosmopolitan globalization desired by many, whose characteristic could be the deregulation of border regimes -, society is faced with the neoliberal reregulation of these regimes, in which the walls play a fundamental role in enclosuring and restraining the poor (the unwanted), without interfering with the desirable flows of people, knowledge, goods and capital.

This research aims to discuss the BRICS and its potential influence in the international system. The BRICS, an acronym formed by Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa is analyzed as an expression of the rise of emerging countries in the international scenario. The international system is undergoing a transition and the mechanisms of global governance are no longer able to represent the current global economic configuration. It is perceived that there is an imbalance of power between the countries of the South and those of the North, and BRICS aims to reverse this frame to convert its economic influence into greater political influence and the creation of the New Development Bank (NBD) and the Contingent Reserve Arrangement (ACR) may be a way to achieve this goal. This research intends to study the determinant parameters of the BRICS relevance and what the NBD represents for the future of cooperation between the countries of the group and how it can be a vector for the consolidation and the increase of their influence on global governance.

The food, energy and financial crisis between 2007 and 2008 potentialized a race for the control of agricultural land, mainly directed to middle and low-income countries of the global South. This process, moved by corporations, investment and pension funds, and governments, became popular by the terms of “land grab” and “land grabbing”, while in portuguese were translated into the expressions “apropriação” or “estrangeirização de terras”. This is a violent dynamic linked to a diversity of episodes of rural and traditional communities’ expulsions from their territory, as well as the imposition of threats to the food security, the access to land and a variety of impacts to the environment. Based on some authors and concepts associated with the Neogramscian Critical Theory of International Relations, the thesis focus on the governance of land grabbing, aiming to comprehend, specifically, how the agents and structures who have an interest in the maintenance of this process have worked to legitimize it through neoliberal global governance mechanisms. With a qualitative and exploratory profile, the research made use of documents and reports from international organizations, governments, NGOs and rural social movements, along with bibliography found in books and specialized academic journals. At the end, the thesis suggests that the legitimation of land grabbing occurs, largely, through the de-politization of the phenomena itself and through the mechanisms of regulation proposed to deal with its contractions.

International migrations can be easily seen in the most diverse countries in the world, either by the ease of mobility promoted by the new means of transport or by the ease of information and knowledge spread by the new communication technologies. Nowadays, the direction of migration flows is mainly from underdeveloped to developed countries, then sometimes it is constant viewed as a problem by local society or something that need to be solved by governments of the receiving states. This dissertation was based on the study of France and how the strong presence of immigrants provoked an increase of xenophobia in the country. It was tried to defend the hypothesis that the extreme right group represented by the National Front party, has collaborated in the last years to gather under the same roof, conservative and prejudiced individuals, in addition to increasing the number of xenophobic supporters. From the realization of this work we can see that the growth of the extreme right can also be widely seen in other European Union countries and even the world as in the case of the United States. There is behind this work the concern with the great increase and the propagation of xenophobic attitudes in the world, specially the need of handle this issue in academic area. Through extensive and thorough bibliographic research on books, articles, websites, official documents, etc. we sought to understand the phenomenon proposed and discussed here. It was concluded that the xenophobic process is sometimes tied to a rejection of globalization and its consequences such as mass unemployment and the homogenization of identities and cultures. In France, xenophobia is often related to cultural aspects of new immigrants such as the Muslim and Jewish religion, considered incapable of assimilation within the Western mold.

Questions of gender have increasingly gained a certain visibility and status in various sociopolitical areas self-proclaimed as global . The primary objective of this research is to analyse, with an essay method, the context of a confluence of capitalist forces inscribed in organizations, agencies and transnational social moviments, which are captured and cannot escape the anti-historic and supposedly invisible hand of Capitalism - which, through
constant crises, continually reinvents itself. In that sense, a critique of liberal internationalism, at first, is one of the layers of this debate, but not the only one. Also of note is the insufficiency of critical approaches when it comes to discussions of race, class and gender - including Feminism itself which, in its wide scope, also faces a process of being coopted and compromised, subjecting it to critiques from other sub-groups such as Black and
Third World Feminisms, highlighting lacunas when it comes to race, ethnicity, class and nationality. Along those same lines, I intend to retrieve a body of theory from voices that seek or sought to concern themselves with questions regarding the lives of black women, especially in the United States - where the discussion on intersectionality originated and the activism of black women also experienced a growing visibility, though this was also accompanied by a series of contradictions. As well, certain absences reveal themselves in terms of race, class and gender in the field of international relations, post-colonialism and international development cooperation theory. I also engage in an analytic recovery of three works that can synthesize black women's relations in regards to those themes: two by the researcher Kimberly Springer, Still Lifting, Still Climbing , and Living for the Revolution , as well as The Revolution Will Not Be Funded: Beyond the Non-Profit Complex , organized by INCITE! Women of Color Against Violence. In that sense, such a theoretical recovery that pressuposes the destabilization of Liberal-Cosmopolitan Feminisms, as much as the destabilization of Liberal Internationalism, became one of this research's central themes. In the spectre of contestation around Gender, Race and Class, these movements and coopted organizations seek to be neutral and found so-called universal non-binding resolutions - but that, in multiple ways, are contaminated with the normative vices of the capitalist system which, among so many epithets, continues being what it always was: competitive, ethnocentric and sexist. And so, discerning and analyzing truly contestational margins of action remains a priority and directive, despite the permanent challenge involved in identifying these margins.

There are several meanings around feminism; nevertheless, a key concept in order to understand it, based on international studies, joins to a vision of conceiving it as a political field with discursive practices interacting among themselves in multifarious, and often, paradoxical power dynamics. This dissertation sought to analyze these inter-relations, having as its object the global governance of women’s human rights. Thus, it aimed to capture tensions in that system, taking into account historical processes, focusing on international consultation and feminisms in diversity. Its methodology was an exploratory and descriptive scientific research, seeking to revisit official stories and documents critically and, chiefly, allowing the enunciation of marginalized and silenced narratives from women in such historiography, besides paying attention to preparatory moments and side-events. Its results channel patriarchy as an intrinsic characteristic of the international system – also capitalist and neoliberal, which poured out on it social institutions, a priori, to enable men subjugating women, and more contemporaneously, in a rational attempt to survive and perpetuate itself even more, to endow power and gender relations between women themselves. Acquiring this assumption, it is possible to infer the political retrospective of women’s movement and international organizations reveals this context; for instance, at the United Nations Global Conferences on Women (1975-1995), there was a conflictive scenario, both at micro and macro spheres, for a multiplicity of voices, agents and identities was permitted, at least formally. However, in those final political processes, the patriarchal structure, appropriating discursive core codes of a liberal feminism and its preponderance in the feminist field, pressed women to a global pact, which sustained a fallacious and contingent idea of international solidarity and feminism – mainly raise up in Cairo, 1994 and Beijing, 1995. As such, this dissertation intended to elucidate complexities and controversies in those moments, and it revealed projects with logics of power and hegemony in a space of international negotiations and decision-making process, though romanticized as one of democratic deliberation.

The study analyses how the international insertion of Brazil during the Lula government (2003-2010), from its foreign policy agenda was related to the political hegemony of the power bloc of the neoliberal global governance, and how Brazilian Network for the Integration of Peoples was related to the agenda of the foreign policy of this government, in order to verify to what extent the Lula’s era was contributed or not to the processes of counter-hegemony of neoliberal globalization from the perspective of this Network. Since the adoption of the epistemological perspective of the Critical Marxist Neogramscian theory, this research identifies that contemporary globalization has a historical structure of the hegemony of neoliberal global capital, producing unequal relations of global power through a historical bloc led by the hegemony of the transnational capitalist class of US and its allies, which maintains its hegemonic project supported by the ideological apparatus of power, through international organizations and regimes. However, civil society has produced political struggles counter-hegemonic neoliberal global governance through movements and subaltern social groups, which denounced the negative impacts of neoliberalism, the establishment of sovereignty and self-determination of peoples. In Brazil, with the arrival of former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva to power, the international insertion of Brazil, through its foreign policy was marked by the assimilation of hegemonic and counter-hegemonic aspects, reflected in disputes between different social forces, which sought to influence and focusing on the direction of Brazil, in international geopolitics, in the context of neoliberal globalization. This study indicates that the agendas of commercial and multilateralist policy served the interests of political and economic elites of the national civil society and the international power bloc, through the assimilation of hegemonic aspects, and the agendas of regional integration and cooperation policy dialogued with the issues and demands of the Brazilian Network for the Integration of Peoples, such that this Network resignified their political agenda of counter-hegemonic struggle to the neoliberal globalization, with the understanding that the agenda of Brazilian Foreign Policy, during Lula’s government, although recognizing the contradictions present in the international insertion of Brazil, has enabled advances for the peoples and states of the global South, comprising, thus, this government as a strategic political ally in the political accumulation of the counter-hegemonic to the neoliberal global capital.