The present study aimed to analyze the experiences of young women in the domestic labor market in Salvador, between 1890 and 1918, seeking to understand the relationships between minors and their employers, demonstrating their roles, forms of negotiation, conflicts and strategies of resistance in search of their own freedom and protagonism. It was observed that a number of them fled the homes where they worked, some with the help of their families, others with the support of friends and other solidarity networks. We sought to understand the reasons that led to this gesture of abandoning their jobs, and, for this, it was necessary to carry out a study on the domestic labor market, highlighting how these minors entered, what forms of precariousness and exploitation of their labor, among other questions. The study of these cases allows us to identify the place that the girls occupied within society, their characteristics, their relationships, the bonds with their family, friends and romantic relationships, as well as the places in which they circulated, their thoughts. Those characteristics, found in escape advertisements, described by employers, demonstrate the values and customs of certain segments of society. Although the women' "life" was regulated by guardianship and sole contracts, by medical and legal guidelines, or by informal agreements between their families and employers, they ran away, reported problems and even risked their own lives, which reveals a contradiction in the work relationships established in the post-abolition period: when they fled, they caused a disruption in society and constituted themselves as active subjects, elaborating their own experience, based on their gestures of disobedience. We noticed, in the documents, the need to describe them, to single them out, to contain them.

This work investigates the experience of transport workers in the city of Salvador in the second half of the 19th century, using registration records of urban workers as its main source, which contains data on 713 men. It focuses on the analysis and interpretation of the way in which carters, coachmen, drivers and apprentices were developing their own ways of social and work relationships that were shared on the streets of the city of Salvador between 1866-1874. From the analysis of the series of correspondence sent from the city council to the province's presidency between the 1850s, 1860s and 1870s, it was possible to raise issues involving urban services such as the distribution of gas, water, meat greenery and cleaning of streets and squares, as well as passenger movement and other modalities, services provided for a long time by cars and carts, as well as their drivers.
Although there was a certain hegemony surrounding the carrying work carried out almost exclusively by African slaves, after the end of the slave trade in 1850, new investments in cities and changes in the world of work had to be made. This contributed to the greater modification and flattening of streets for the use of cars, carts and trams that were gradually implemented in the urban perimeter of Salvador during the period studied.

The process of disciplining found vigour in Bahia from the 18th century onwards, as a result of various actions to make it a religious metropolis in the Portuguese Atlantic. Among these, figured the production of moral discourses that significantly mobilized the agents and institutions of the Catholic Church in the metropolis and in the colony. The dissertation intends to analyze some of these discourses in significant dialogue with the conduct of different individuals and groups who lived in the Archbishopric. It also intends to investigate the very behaviors of Christianity that emerge in a multi-ethnic and hierarchical colonial society where the experience of faith does not always match the disciplinary determinations.

This research aims to collaborate with studies on the practice of conditional manumission in Rio de Janeiro. Its main objective is to understand the practice of conditional manumission and its meanings for captives, slave owners and the State throughout the 1820s and 1830s. Conditions revoked through judicial means. Understanding the meanings and uncertainties of being between captivity and freedom is the concern that drives this research. The defined period corresponds to a time when the law allowed the revocation of manumission due to the ingratitude of the manumitted against the grantor of manumission (1821 – 1837). Civil actions were the main sources used, but journals, legislation, manumission letters and other specific documents were also consulted. The geographical clipping is the province of Rio de Janeiro. Although conditional manumissions had been negotiated in other regions of the country and in other periods and that there are already studies on this subject, there are still points that can be expanded and deepened. I selected Rio de Janeiro as the privileged location for this study, because, being the capital of the Empire at the time, it was the center of legal disputes processed in the Casa de Suplicação in Brazil and in the Court of Appeal in Rio de Janeiro.

This work has the objetive to analyze the trajectory of Eufrosina Maria de Oliveira, born in 1859, at the Panela, Campo Formoso region, territory belonging to Imperial Vila da Vitória, in the backlands of Ressaca, daughter of the freedwoman Maria Bernarda de Oliveira and the wealthy colonel João de Oliveira Freitas. I try to analyze the trajectory of this woman, born in 1859, approaching the mechanisms of her social ascension in Imperial Vila da Vitória. Eufrosina became better known in the region as Fulô do Panela or Fulô Roxa, a regionally mythologized person, as can be seen in the regional literature. Like her mother, Eufrosina maintained relationships with rich and influential men, and this partly explains her social ascension in the backlands of the state of Bahia. Through the analysis of unpublished documental sources and works by memorialists, I seek to point up other aspects that ensured this condition. This study is part of the context of women's historiography, aimed at analyzing their role in economic, political, social and cultural life. Eufrosina's trajectory, marked by her expressive participation in public life, but was often summarized by the fact that she had a personal relationship with rich and important men. In this re-reading against the grain, I try to show how her life was marked by initiatives in various and profitable businesses, which ensured economic her social projection in the society of her time.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the performance of the councillors of the Movimento Democrático Brasileiro Brasileiro (MDB) councillors in Alagoinhas City Council, from 1967 to 1973, showing the participation and the role of the petty and middle bourgeoisie and the middle sectors of the of the municipality within the legislature.  It was noted that among the members of the class of Alagoinhas, both MDB and ARENA party members, there was an ideological convergence for economic development based on industrialisation and the moral principles of the Military Dictatorship. In the two legislatures analysed, the presence of these two elements was clear and common among the elected parliamentarians.  In addition, this study also aims to contribute to the understanding of how local political relations were institutionalised during the power struggles between the ruling class of Alagoinhas in two situations: the episode of the murder of the elected councillor by the MDB, the merchant Celso Magalhães Dantas, and the political influence of the governor, Antônio Carlos Magalhães, in the local political game.  The reading of the minutes of the Ordinary and Extraordinary Meetings of the Alagoinhas City Council, together with Bahian and foreign periodicals and the SNI information documents, digitised and made available on the SIAN website, served as a fundamental basis for the construction of this research. These sources were considered indispensable in order to determine the historical contribution that a part of the writing of the political history of Alagoinhas can make to the historiography of Bahia and Brazil.

The persistent silencing in relation to slavery, abolition and the black presence in the city of Feira de Santana, Bahia – Brazil, highlights how Feira's elites and journalistic press sought to build a civilized identity for the city adopting strategies of silencing and marginalizing the black population through removals from the center of the city, prohibitions and social exclusion, as well as the suppression of their narratives and memories. The association between slavery, abolition and the political use of memory, at the beginning of the 20th century by writers from the feirense journalistic press, will be the fundamental theme of this dissertation. This work seeks to investigate Feira de Santana's post-abolition experience through the commemorative editorials relating the passage of May 13th published in the newspaper Folha do Norte between the years 1909 to 1933.

This work aims to analyze the Africans slave trade in Salvador da Bahia between 1690 and 1817. What is intended is to demonstrate the global political and global economic dimensions of slave trade, not previously considered. The research was divided into two parts. The first discusses the organization of slave trade in Bahia, in the first half of the 18th century. From discussions about politics and diplomacy it seeks to understand how supranational issues interfered in Salvador´s relation with Costa da Mina. Then, it analyzes how Bahia´s businessman organized themselves to defend their commercial interests in Costa da Mina, while maintaining their trade relations with commercial agents in Lisbon. The two chapters refute a nationalist historiographical discussion, centered on the protagonism of merchans from Salvador, against the Portuguese counterparts and centered on bilateral trade between Bahia and Africa. The second part shows that the slave trade in Bahia followed traditional rules of European mercantile culture, using the same instruments for financing the business, like risk notes, shipments, and societies. Bahia´s slave trade also presented specific settings like broad social participation in investments. It became clear that slave trade was supported by loan in two levels: the first concentrate in professional creditors businessman with capital, power political and inserted in global business networks. The second marked by medium and small investors. Some women stand out at first level, integrating slaver families, investing in slave trade in lifelong or managing the business when turn widow. The research dialogues with Global History, focusing on relationship between Bahia´s slave trade and other Brazilian marketplaces, topicals commodities (sugar, tobacco, gold), European consumers and Asian partners.

The thesis presented here proposed to analyze the historical experience of the Captaincy of Porto Seguro in the period between the conflicts that caused the expulsion of the Jesuits, in the final years of the 16th century, until the foundation of Vila de Santo Antônio do Rio das Caravelas, in 1701 As an interpretative key or guiding principle of the analysis, we used the experiences and historical processes that highlighted the continuity and dependence of the exploitation of the different forms of recruitment and exploitation of indigenous labor as a means of maintaining an insignificant colonization and limited development . Through a varied set of sources, deposited in archives and various funds, we seek to understand the precarious condition of the Portuguese presence in the Captaincy of Porto Seguro as opposed to the massive and resistant indigenous presence in the cut territory. We evidenced that the little economic success of the captaincy resulted in the mobilization and displacement of varied indigenous groups through the abusive use of the resource to violence that provoked the reiteration of the exhaustion of populations accompanied by the search for the recomposition of labor in the colonial settlements and villages. Finally, the analysis showed that the exhaustion of the groups that inhabited the coast, due to the intense exploitation of labor, wars and infectious diseases, forced the descent of groups that inhabited regions increasingly distant from the coast, resulting in the growth of occupation of colonial centers of indigenous people from the Macro-Jê group in the Portuguese settlements of the Captaincy of Porto Seguro. To do so, we operate critically with the concept of sertão and its multiple meanings, aiming to highlight the use of its circulation practiced by the agents as well as by the indigenous people. The entire process was accompanied by a critical reading and interpretation of the laws arising from the Portuguese Crown's indigenist policy.

In this study, we conducted an investigation on the interpretations about the Second Vatican Council that are found in publications by theologian Joseph Ratzinger, Pope Benedict XVI - Ruler between 2005 and 2013; emeritus from 2013 to 2022 -, and theologian and philosopher Leonardo Boff, exponent of the Latin-American Theology of Liberation.  In the sources searched, greater emphasis was given to books published by these two catholic scholars between 1965 and 2007.  However, to deepen the understanding of their work and its context, we included articles, interviews and later published books by the German and Brazilian intellectuals, as well as Catholic Church’s official texts, namely:  1) concluding documents of the Second Vatican Council (Constitutions, decrees and declarations); 2) of the second, third, fourth and fifth Conferences of the Latin American Episcopal Council (Celam); 3) Papal Announcements and Encyclicals; 4) texts of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith; 5) correspondence of the former Franciscan priest that dealt with the doctrinal process undertaken by the body responsible for the control of  the sound doctrine, at the time, administered by the Bavarian Cardinal, against his book Igreja: carisma e poder. Ensaios sobre eclesiologia militante. The twenty-first Catholic Council took place in four sections, between the years of 1962 and 1965, and was attended by two Popes (John XXIII and Paul VI), Cardinals, Bishops, Fathers, and Christians from all over the known world.  It has sparkled interest in a significant part of the world media, the international theological community - beyond the catholicism - , as well as philosophers, social scientists, historians, lay people engaged in Catholic communities, among others.  After the closing of the last session, on December 7, 1965, efforts to study its documents, interpretations, applications and updates in different contexts began. Several responses and competitions over the legitimate understanding came from it, which made difficult the possibilities of total monopolization by the Roman authorities regarding the correct legacy. As scholars of the Christianism, Ratznger and Boff reflected, at different moments of their intellectual productions, on the legacy of that event; faced debates about intensely discussed topics in the history of theology, in particular, in the Catholicism, such as:  1) dialogue with the so-called modern world, including the contributions of philosophy, science, atheism; 2) the conception of the Catholic Church as people of God and mystical body of Christ; 3) existing perspectives in relation to divine revelation, liturgy; 4) the origin of the authority and organization of the Church of Jesus Christ; 5) ecumenism, highlighting approaches to the pluralism of cultures and religions within and outside the Christian creed. The last century Council, for both authors - recognized as important references in the history of theology in the last decades of the 20^th century and the beginning of the 21^st century - was an indispensable starting point in their proposals and reflections.

This thesis aims to understand languages within their social and political context in the
19th century, especially in Pernambuco. It also analyzes the networks, power relations,
political discourse and intellectual production of these bachelors. For this investigation,
we sought to analyze the work of two legal and political actors who were very prominent
in Pernambuco's public arena during the Regency Period and the Second Reign: Jerônimo
Villela de Castro Tavares (1815-1869) and Joaquim Villela Tavares (1816-1858).
Graduates of the first classes of the Olinda Legal Course, they were involved in the events
of the province and also in the political discussions in the General Assembly and were
also professors at the aforementioned educational institution. Based on these characters,
we will relate the Brazilian norms of the 19th century and their tension with the
monarchical system, such as the weakening of absolutism and the transformations of
liberalism; Analyze the legal culture of the 19th century, correlating it with the speeches
of the bachelors and their behavior towards other social groups; Investigate the role of the
Vilella Tavares brothers in the Praieira Insurrection and their positions within the
conservative and liberal parties; and analyze the intellectual production of the Vilella
Tavares through their works, writings and as professors at the Olinda Law School. The
thesis begins with the Pernambuco Revolution of 1817 and ends with the death of
Jerônimo Villela de Castro Tavares in 1869. The theoretical inspiration for the work lies
in the reflections developed by John Pocock on the examination of political texts
produced in other eras. To reach our conclusions, we used documents from the Recife
Law School Archive, the Recife Public Archive, the archives found on the websites of
the Chamber of Deputies and the Brazilian Federal Senate, where the Annals of the
Brazilian Parliament were analyzed, the Digital Library of the National Library, and its
various periodicals and documents from the 19th century.

The present work investigates and analyzes the policies that were debated and implemented in the province of Bahia, related to the guidance of underprivileged children to work, with special attention to the ingênuos of the Law of Ventre Livre of 1871. After the advent of the law, parliamentarians, landowners, and other sectors of Bahian society, exhaustively debated how they would develop policies to maintain the use of child labor, during new legislation and abolitionist pressures. In articulations within the Chamber, they justified the promotion of initiatives that guided ingênuos and underprivileged children to work, such as the foundation of agricultural colonies. Through the analysis of the documentary body, the research seeks to show how paths were traced for the coercive integration of helpless and ingênuos children to the social reorganization of work in the province of Bahia between the emancipation era and the first post-abolition years.

The main objective of this dissertation is to analyze the limits and possibilities of the relationship between Brazilians and Egyptians during the first steps of the Independent Foreign Policy (IFP). Considering the complex situation involving the existence of initiatives favorable to the expansion of ties between the two countries from the beginning of the Jânio Quadros government and the tensions arising from the confrontation between different perspectives of Foreign Policy and readings on the international scenario in the 1950s and 1960s, we will discuss how brazilian-egyptian relations obeyed the meanings of an uncomfortable approach. In an atmosphere of conflicts around the IFP, different social actors disputed its course based on a confrontation differing perspectives of Brazil's place in the world, producing interesting analyzes about foreign relations. Intellectuals such as Eduardo Portella, diplomats such as Roberto Campos and Adolpho Justo Bezerra de Menezes, former parliamentarians linked to Foreign Policy such as San Tiago Dantas and Afonso Arinos, as well as military personnel such as Admiral Carlos Penna Botto fueled debates about the paths taken by the Jânio Quadros and João Goulart governments (1961-1962). From contemporary or extemporaneous works to the PEI, in addition to articles published in the Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional, these individuals pointed to new possibilities for the PEB or called for the maintenance of traditional lines of action, taking into account different domestic demands and existing opportunities in a context of change in the international system and order. Identifying the different perceptions about Egypt, which ranged from the feeling of competition against Brazil in the conquest of a leadership between the countries of the black continent and the underdeveloped world to the questions about the political regime led by Nasser and its relations with other actors on the international scene, we will discuss the main variables that constituted the existence of a complex framework for the rapprochement between brazilian and egyptian diplomacy. In an environment marked by distrust, fear, caution and enthusiasm in the face of IFP’s directions, an Egypt of opportunities was also promoted by Jânio Quadros. Through texts by “O Cruzeiro” and the memoranda sent to Itamaraty during his short government, we will highlight how the then candidate and later president of the Republic was a relevant actor within the possibilities of approximation, waving positively to Egypt due to his admiration for President Gamal Abdel Nasser and for attributing a strategic role to the african country in its conceptions of international politics and Brazil's foreign relations. If the characteristics of the foreign policies of the two countries boosted the strengthening of ties in the bilateral and multilateral spheres, in addition to the engagement of different domestic actors, the intellectual debate about foreign relations from the subjects of the IFP evidenced the existing discomforts in the domestic scenario around the deepening of the relations between the two countries and the brazilian conceptions about the role of the african country in the international architecture. 

In the end of the 18º century, the city of Salvador was shaken by the trial of the accused of participation in the Conjuração Baiana. These man were charged with the crime of lesemajesty, punishable with death penalty. The judges of the High Court of Bahia were responsible for the legal proceedings and had to deal with the task of provide an adequate response for the dimension of the movement, which was able of worrying the portuguese crown. Like many of their peers in the High Court of Bahia, these magistrates had a turbulent trajectory in their careers, marked by complaints of misbehavior. Since the pombaline reforms in the field of law and justice, the portuguese administration intended to transform and modernize their legal system and prepare their judges to exercise the functions of justice more effectively: how do the magistrates of the High Court of Bahia fit into this? Our objective here is to analyze how these transformations appear in the case files of the Conjuração Baiana de 1798 conducted by them.

This study follows the Graves family to reconstruct the trajectory of generations of survivors of slavery who, during the 19th century, achieved social mobility and became slave masters in Bahia. It also presents a discussion, based on other individuals who left traces in the archives, about how they achieved their freedom, sometimes through protest in court. Crossing over information in diverse sources and the use of a qualitative and quantitative approach of inventories, wills, ecclesiastical records, newspaper news, lawsuits, passports, and correspondence made it possible to study the identities of freed Africans. Finally, the examination of the trajectory of the freed African Victorino Grave was a guiding strategy for the research, which sought to understand how his network of relationships provided better living conditions for his relatives and aggregates, such as the freedmen Emiliano and Manoel Grave. This cumplicity derived from hierarchical relationships of paternalism, which ensured a connection with the world of whites, but without ceasing to share daily life with subaltern individuals and promote free movement within the black community. Keywords: Free Africans. Victorino Grave. Emiliano Grave. Manoel Grave. Relationship Networks

The present work has as its central object the life trajectory of the sertanista and lord of Torre de Tatuapara, Francisco Dias d’Ávila. It analyzes his (and his family's) participation in the conquests of the northeastern hinterlands of Portuguese America and the dynamics of the political culture of the modern Portuguese Empire in the second half of the 17th century. This period was marked by the so-called War of the Barbarians, which were territorial conflicts carried out by the Luso-Brazilians who wanted to expand their domains and also by the peoples who traditionally occupied the northern hinterland (regions that today make up the Brazilian northeast) and sought to defend their territories. Through the investigation of Francisco Dias d’Ávila’s actions, in the expeditions and conquests of the hinterlands and his participation in the war, we seek to problematize and highlight some characteristics of the Overseas administration of the Modern Portuguese Empire at that moment in Brazilian Colonial History. The favor system shows how, through the delegation of tasks in exchange for positions, patents and land grants (as occurred largely among the d’Ávilas) the Portuguese overseas empire sought to base its government. The practice of sertanismo, the donation of land grants with continental dimensions and the formation and consolidation of a local elite that called itself Nobreza da Terra are implications of that administration in which the object of this research is inserted.

In this study, we aim to analyze the insertion of "black" orphans in the Casa Pia and Colégio dos Órfãos de São Joaquim at the beginning of the First Republic. The main object  of this study is the education provided by the Casa to the orphans and their possible destinations after the period of asylum. By analyzing the departure of the students it is possible to observe the decline of the institution's role  in the intermediation of labor as well as the  worsening of the conditions of survival of the poorest population in Republican Salvador. In this way, we try to understand the experiences of schooling and work between 1893 to 1927. The main sources of this research were the statutes of the Casa Pia, one from 1828 and the other from 1910, the minutes books, the orphans' registration folders and the terms of exit.

This thesis aims to study the construction of a road between the county of Senhor do Bonfim and Uauá in the center-north of Bahia. The construction of roads, notably those foreseen in the Law 1.847, of august 28 of 1925 that has done the State of Bahia Roads Plan, was an important feature of Góis Calmon (1924-1928) government and the enlargement of the Bahia‘s road network with roads suitable for use by the automobile was fundamental to process of spatialization of some areas of Bahia's territory, contributed to create new regionalities that, many times, broke up with the centrality exercised by Salvador, point where should converge, as though the powerful elites of the capital, all state and neighbor movements. The bonfinenses and uauaenses elites, principally the first, opened a road with 132 km between these two places aiming to facilitate the communications between then and drain to Senhor do Bonfim, in this moment the most developed city in this region, the products and the people from the great portion that went out bounds of the own region to areas of Sergipe, Alagoas and Pernambuco. The power group of the city intended to enlarge the regional control exercised by Bonfim since the XIX century about region immediately next to the city and zoom it up to the boundaries of the other states, exercised the virtual control of all Bahia's northwestern. In this study, we discuss the formation of Bahia transportation system from its beginnings to the decade of 1920, we work with region and urban hierarchy notions, we analyze the creation of public-privates partnerships between country elites and the State government, we observe how this relations are processed in the middle of the troubled bahian policy form the First Republic and the how the bonfinenses elites related to the capital policy, as well we try to understand the failures on the project of power of the group based in Senhor do Bonfim and the legacy of the road to the region. 

The work travels through different spaces connected by the Atlantic where a culture of Cannabis was developed to understand the reasons that led to its prohibition by the City Council of Rio de Janeiro in 1830, the starting point of a growing social condemnation of the plant and its uses in Brazil. A city undergoing rapid urban and demographic expansion, Rio de Janeiro had a large black population, the majority of which were Bantu Africans from the central-western and eastern regions. Many peoples of these two regions of the African continent, as well as Europeans, have been related for centuries, and in multiple ways, with the plants Cannabis indica and Cannabis sativa. There was a daily consumption of Cannabis as a psychoactive drug among the enslaved of the largest African nations of the Court, known as pito do pango or just pango. The central thesis of this research is that the municipal prohibition of 1830 targeted this use, specifically, due to the fear of its psychoactive effects on Africans, in a context of increased control over black populations in the city. Furthermore, it is shown that this process was deeply connected to the prohibitionist ideology that was being built through the contact between Europeans and African and Asian cannabis cultures from the 16th century onwards.

This work discusses the relationship between politics and religion, drawn in the county of Conceição do Coité, located in the Sisal Region in the state of Bahia. The object of study is centered on the actions of Catholic lay people that, imbued by the thought of the directives of the Second Vatican Council and the Theology of Liberation, founded the Municipal Directory of the Workers Party, in 1986. Under this legend, the affiliates disputed local power with the hegemonic political groups, called Blue and Red, colored groups led, respectively, by the sisal businessmen Misael Ferreira de Oliveira and Hamilton Rios de Araújo, that consolidated their leadership from the 1970s onwards. Thus, they linked their bases of legitimation during the period of validity of the civil-military dictatorship, the reason why the temporal cut of this research was initially marked out. In this regard, a special attention was paid to the trajectory of these religious agents before the inception of the Workers Party (PT) Directory, especially the religious activity that made possible the experience of the so-called Popular Church, the sociopolitical base of the progressive locus developed by the action of these lay people that, in the midst of the clashes with the colored associations, were categorized as “communists”. The different typologies of analyzed sources, such as official documents, journalistic, memorialistic, ecclesiastical documents, audiovisual records and oral sources, were crucial to reach the central objective of this investigation, which corresponded to the disputes between lay people and businessmen for the political power of Conceição do Coité. This research found support in the theoretical and methodological procedures of the history of the present time and the assumptions adopted by the new approach to political historiography and regional and local history. This investigation was guided by the hypothesis that the tactics developed by Catholics, called “Communists of Christ”, in the confrontation of the hegemonic parties, mobilized socialization processes to strengthen the popular participation. Lay people worked closely with the rural workers of the sisal environment, modifying the political field of Coité with new rules in the political game, to the detriment of a political behavior in which the vote was seen as an object of bargaining and the use of violence as a legitimate action of the electoral dispute. Furthermore, they consolidated the Popular Church in the Parish of Nossa Senhora da Conceição do Coité between the 1990s and the 2000s, linking the ecclesial reality to the broader context of the “progressive” clergy, present in the Sisal Region in the early 1960s. Finally, the analysis of these clashes is a significant contribution to historiography, especially the Bahian one, since it allows to know the experience of subjects from other regions of Bahia, from places considered peripheral in the historical research. This relevance, therefore, is based on the understanding of how the study on a smaller scale illuminate and modifies certitudes previously crystallized by historiography of a more comprehensive character, not to say based on explanatory models disconnected from the reality, place, historical and full of possibilities for transformation.

This thesis investigates baianismo and its implications on slavery throughout the 1880s. The baianismo is originally a political phenomenon that evidences the numerical preponderance of bahians in the ministerial cabinets of the Second Reign. This research specifically analyzes the governments of José Antonio Saraiva (1880-1882; 1885), Manuel Pinto de Souza Dantas (1884-1885) and João Maurício Wanderley, baron of Cotegipe (1885-1888), demonstrating how these men, originally from Bahia, exercised the politics of slavery, trying to extend the existence of captivity as much as possible, making the experience of freedom of the free and freed population more precarious, criminalizing the entire colored population under the pretext of avoiding what they called "labor disorganization," and working to guarantee compensation to the slaverholders. In the following pages, it is shown how baianismo was not a homogeneous and harmonious political phenomenon, but could even hold antagonistic political positions, reaching both hardened slavocrats and decided abolitionists. Nor was it restricted to men and their ministries, but rather encompassed the intimate dimension of the emperors' personal relationships, including women, such as Luiza Margarida Portugal de Barros, countess of Barral and Pedra Branca, and free black people, such as André Rebouças, Maria Amanda Lustosa da Cunha Paranaguá, and Franklin Américo de Menezes Dória.

This study is about African family social life experiences and their descendants, slaves, or freemen, in the formation’s process of black communities in the countryside cattle breeder farms locate in the backlands from São Francisco, has as spatial cutout the parish and division of Santo Antônio of Urubu de Cima, in Bahia, between the years 1870 to 1930. This research inserts itself in the emancipation conjecture with focus in enslavement fights in defense of their freedom, in the political changes after the Abolition process and Republic and the recomposition of regional riches in front of conjunctural changes. In this context the Urubu’s defined as a country society with high land and wealth concentration under riches farmers domain, where the poor population faced serious difficulties trying to survive. Sought analyze fights strategies forged by slaves and freeman for autonomy spaces resulting in the access and use of the land. Begins along a thorough read of a large and diversified documentation, which are composed of: post-mortem inventories, wills, civil lawsuits, crime lawsuits, ecclesiastic records (marriage, baptism, and death), accounting records, travelers’ books and memorialists, photographs, and oral sources. This documental set brings light to understanding the ancestral occupation of lands by Africans, freemen, and their descendants. Crossing manuscript sources with oral sources from the nominative link methodology made possible reconstruct family genealogies that allows to understand the black families rooting in the old stockyard by successive generations, which ended up in the formation of the current quilombolas communities in the Velho Chico territory.

In the late 1970s, the Information Scandal shook the structures of the apartheid’s political institutionality: the Rand Daily Mail, South Africa's leading English-language newspaper, revealed the existence of a secret government-run propaganda program, leading to great political damage National Party main leaders and putting the future of the white domination system in check. In the genesis of this program was the idea that South Africa was the target of a total offensive that, based on lies, built an environment of international hostility towards the country and, in particular, the Afrikaner people. The propaganda actions developed since then would constitute an “active defense” strategy adopted to protect the country's social and political order - a propaganda war in the very words of the South African Department of Information. Two of these actions involved the use of comics and cartoons: the creation of South Africa's first superhero comic book, Mighty Man, and the establishment of the first English-language newspaper to publicly support afrikaner agenda, The Citizen. This work analyzes the place of these comics and cartoons in the propaganda campaign developed by the South African government, as well as the role of the cartoons published by The Rand Daily Mail, the newspaper recognized by the government as its main press adversary.

This dissertation investigates the meanings of masculinities in the experience of men from the lower classes in Feira de Santana, in the interior of Bahia, in the 1960s. In the same way, we wondered how the use of violence and the notions of masculinities and honor are intimately interwoven, without fall not only in male vilanization, but also in different voluntarisms. In this investigation, the criminal proceedings were taken as privileged tools from which it is possible to glimpse normative ideals of human beings and as reworkings of these norms within the scope of disputes in the legal arena. For this, we resort to an analysis that sheds light especially on everyday relationships, in which norms, practices, representations and discourses are updated, manipulated and challenged by social agents. Thus, we conducted a historical analysis that combined as categories of gender, class, race, sexuality, rurality, etc., informed by feminist assumptions, studies of masculinities and the social history of culture.

Between the 16th and 17th centuries, a period of effervescence in religious literature was
observed in Portugal. In this period, the growth in production, both printed and
handwritten, of different types of devotional and spiritual literature is identified. Among
the Religious Orders, there was a marked increase in the chronical genre. Religious from
different institutes resorted to chronicles in order to build an illustrious memory for their
respective congregations. In the writings of this kind, information was gathered such as
the history of the foundation of the convents, biographies of friars or nuns of exemplary
life, and the events considered most relevant to the history of that particular institute.
Produced under the command and supervision of the higher levels of Religious Orders,
the chronicles took the place of official narrative, being subject to internal surveillance
and approval.
This dissertation aims to analyze one of these chronicles, written while the genre of the
chronicles was going through one of its many peaks. The research presented here takes
as its starting point the Narrativa da Custódia de Santo Antônio do Brasil, written in 1621
by the franciscan Fr. Manuel da Ilha. This work portrays the establishment of the Order
of Friars Minor in Brazil colony, and describes how the first convents were built and the
daily life of the friars who inhabited them. Although written by a chronicler who lived in
Portugal, the Narrativa offers a record of the Franciscans' work in converting the Indians,
narrating the difficulties and, above all, the successes achieved by the friars in this
endeavor.
Confronting this chronicle with other Franciscan records, produced in the same period,
the study developed here seeks to examine the main tendencies that guided the written
production of the Order of Friars Minor. The purpose is not only to perceive how the
Franciscan texts reflected the issues of their time, but also how the friars took on their
writing skills as an instrument of power.

By the end of the 19th and the first few decades of the 20th century, the elites of Feira de
Santana were fostering a whole set of urban transformations in order to deal with a significant
boom in the city`s population but also to strengthen the local commercial activities. The ideals
of newness, modernity, progress and civility were mobilized by those who were redesigning
the city according to their interests and based on European and American aesthetic standards,
so that their power could be maintained or even reinforced. In order to achieve this, the elites
occupied several institutions, among them the philharmonic societies, the Santa Casa de
Misericórdia, the local newspapers, the dramatic guilds, the shooting society and the local
cinema, represented in most of the time frame studied here by the Teatro / Cineteatro Sant'Anna.
Based on this premise, this study seeks to understand how the relationship between the elites
and the cinema took place in Feira de Santana. The time frame goes from 1912 to 1938, starting
with a quarrel between two municipal councilors (Quintiliano Martins, colonel, and Celso
Valverde Martins, major and businessman) that took place inside the theater, after a movie
session, and ending with the launch of new set of laws for urban development, in 1937, designed
to revamp the city from then on.

This dissertation analyzes the education reform carried out during the administration of the intellectual Anísio Teixeira in the Secretariat of Education and Public Health of the State of Bahia, during the government of Otávio Mangabeira. The documentary research, supported by the scrutiny of the bibliography on the subject, was dedicated to the analysis of official and personal correspondence of the secretary; speeches, laws and plans that governed the development of the educational policies implemented in the reform, as well as periodicals, statistical surveys and records of administrative actions of the Secretariat of Education. As a result of this exercise, we seek to demonstrate, with emphasis on the performance of intellectual functions by Anísio Teixeira and the demoliberal political elite in Bahia, that the reform was aligned with the objective interests of the state's dominant classes during the re-democratization. The opportunity to lead the democratic transition in the state of Bahia, after the fall of the Estado Novo and the promulgation of the 1946 Constitution, was won by the political representatives of the demoliberals with the victory of Otávio Mangabeira in the 1947 election, with the National Democratic Union (UDN). In this sense, the educational reform was presented as a tool for the capitalist development of Bahia's social formation, towards a society governed by the interests and principles of the liberal-bourgeois model of democracy, whose articulation axes were the proposals of social harmonization and politicaladministrative decentralization of state power, mediated by the imperative of maintaining order as the foundation of democracy and as a limit to the exercise of citizenship.

This work deals with the uprising carried out by the military in the village of Vila Nova da Rainha, the current city of Senhor do Bonfim in northern Bahia. The movement took place during the conflict between the main families in the municipality, the Silva and the Passos. The event became known as the Cadó War and lasted from 1831 to 1835. During the years 1832/33, a detachment of the First Line was sent to appease the situation. Commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Ignácio Joaquim Pitombo, they managed to get around the situation at first. However, the arrival of Padre Severo Cuim Atuá, brother of the Silva chief, Joaquim Simões da Silva, known as Cadó, instigated the resumption of the conflict. The lieutenant colonel sided with the Silva, who expelled Passos from the municipality. However, some soldiers joined the Passos, to resolve disagreements with their commander, brought about since the changes in the ranks of the Army, in the early 1830s. The change of command ended up bringing dissatisfaction to the soldiers who revolted during part of the Regency. The uprisings tried to assassinate Commander Pitombo, but failed and were arrested. An inquiry was requested by the Commander of Arms, Alexandre Argolo Ferrão, and was the main source for this research. A new detachment was eventually sent to Vila Nova da Rainha to replace Lieutenant Colonel Pitombo's troops. The war between families, however, would only be ended in 1835, with a new expulsion from Passos. 

This dissertation analyzes the political trajectory of the communist militant and intellectual from Pernambuco José Rodrigues Filho (1943-), a student at the School of Agronomy (EA) of the Federal University of Bahia (UFBA), a college built in the city of Cruz das Almas, in the Recôncavo da Bahia. The investigation discusses the trajectory of Rodrigues Filho between 1969 and 1973, based on his work at the Landulfo Alves Academic Directory (DALA), on the student daily life at the Agronomic School of Bahia (EAB) and in the city of Bahia, and on his work in the cell of the Communist Party of Brazil (PCB) at EA. We used printed sources, such as the newspaper O DALA, which had the research subject as one of the founders, in which there are several poems and articles of his authorship. We will still make use of oral testimonies, the result of interviews with Rodrigues Filho about his trajectory in EA, student political socialization and his performance in the PCB cell.

Weavers of (Dis) Order: Policing and Daily Life in the Hinterlands of Bahia (1891-1930) aimed to problematize the unstable and tense relations established between members of the public force and the population that lived in the hinterlands of Bahia during the First Brazilian Republic. It is necessary to emphasize that this problematization is guided by the assumptions established by the indiciary method, that is, it is based on the analysis of details, of marginal data, of residues taken as clues, indications, signs or traces, capable of providing the understanding of human experience over time. In this perspective, the construction of historical knowledge must start from a thorough investigation that makes it possible to unveil the nuances of the events from the indications that are imperceptible to most people, because these indications, when inquired and contextualized, provide answers not only to the question what the documentation consulted can "say", but, above all, what lies behind what it is able to "say" about the most diverse historical events. Guided by the precepts of this method, I understood, based on the documentation and the bibliography consulted, how the policemen, even having their field of action limited, whether by legal precepts, or by the discipline and hierarchy propagated by their corporation, or by the resistance or alliances established with the individuals who should be policed, are able to guarantee personal advantages during the performance of their functions. As can be see, the guiding problematic of this work exceeds the usual insistence on the construction of a narrative that emphasizes an institutional history of the police, relegating to a second plan the experiences of the policemen and their interaction with thousands of men and women who lived in the backlands of Bahia. This is possible because the members of the public force, flesh and blood men who felt their experiences, who had their aspirations, their dreams and their fears, ended up resignifying, quotidianly, the role projected to them by the high hierarchy of their institution and by the political authorities, for the policemen, serving in the hinterlands of Bahia, enjoyed a certain degree of independence in their actions and an arbitration capacity that they generally used for their own benefit. Consequently, in an attempt to guarantee their particular interests, the agents of the police institution, responsible for guaranteeing public "order", were at many moments responsible for the installation of disorder in the backlands of Bahia. In other words, in the daily work of the policemen, the boundaries between the world of "order" and that of "disorder" are separated by a tenuous and unstable line that, in a matter of moments, and depending on the actions of the policemen, could take them from the condition of sentinel of "public peace", as idealized by their corporation, to one more agent of "disorder" – hence came the idea of the title of this thesis. Furthermore, taking a close look at these aspects will help to reflect and understand what was happening in the hinterlands of Bahia during the process of consolidation of the Brazilian Republic, since, as one of the main state institutions, the military police became a localized image of the history of the state of Bahia itself

This Thesis analyzes the authorities of the sertão of the São Francisco river between 1827 and 1889. It’s a Regional History research that, based on the study of the authorities of the São Francisco River region, analyzes the power relations and the constitution of this hinterland as a region. Thus, from the approach of Regional History, we link Social History and Political History. The objective of this thesis is to analyze the actions of the authorities of the Brazilian Imperial State in the sertão of the São Francisco River and the organization of their support networks based on social and political tensions in the region. In this way, we pay attention not only to the circulation and political and bureaucratic career of the agents of the Imperial State, but also to the interference of the national and provincial governments in the territorial organization. The São Francisco’s district is a part of the sertão of the São Francisco river and it was annexed to the territory of the province of Bahia in 1827. It was created in 1820 and, in 1824, it was transferred to the province of Minas Gerais where it remained provisionally until 1827 when the transfer, on a provisional basis, to Bahia occurred. Thus, this research established the chronological cut from the transfer to Bahia until the end of the monarchical regime in 1889. Throughout the research we analyzed how the concept of sertão was shaped from the colonial heritage in which the interior was tied not only with the opposition to the coast, but was also perceived as a civilizational frontier by the agents of the Brazilian state. The participation of the authorities can be observed from the perceptions about order and civility, both by the Eurocentric prism, but also by its action in the repression of rebel movements and alliances with local elites in power disputes. Such authorities served as an important player in the games of control of the subordinate layers, as well as being political agents in the formation of regional power. The thesis is divided into 7 sections: 1) Introduction: we present the general ideas of the research, a bibliographic review on the concepts of Region and Regional History and the synthesis of the following sections; 2) addresses the notion of sertão and sertão of the São Francisco river observing the construction of the concept as part of a Eurocentric perspective of the ruling layers on the rural population; 3) deals with relations between the Brazilian State and the São Francisco River hinterland. Thus, we discuss the formation and transfers of the São Francisco River District, the projects of province creation and the economic structure; 4) we discuss the social tensions and the actions of the authorities to repress and control the subaltern layers; 5) We analyzed the political tensions and the action of the regional authorities in the struggles of the local potentates; 6) we analyzed the participation of the regional authorities in the regional political articulations; 7) The last section is Final Considerations. The thesis used a variety of sources such as handwritten documents (in particular correspondence of judges and councilors' chambers to the provincial government), rare works, 19th-century dictionaries, press and maps.

Following a group of conservative Brazilian intellectuals linked to the Superior War School of the Armed Forces of Brazil, the Catholic Church, the National Defense League, the Brazilian Scouts Association and the Social Research Institute, an organization founded in the early 1960s who played a key role during the 1964 coup and was influential in formulating policy for the dictatorship. I analyze the role of these intellectuals in spreading ideas about youth and in promoting authoritarian modernist policies. I argue that these intellectuals built a moral agenda that guided youth-oriented policies in Brazil. I explore conservative proposals such as the extinction of the UNE (National Union of Students), the creation of the University Movement for Social Development (MUDES), the preparation of teaching materials, the attempt to reintroduce religious teaching in public educational institutions, the creation of the discipline of Moral and Civic Education in high school and Studies of Brazilian Problems in universities, the creation of the National Council of Moral and Civics, the influence of these intellectuals on the 1969 university reform, and the formulation of a business-centered educational approach that united the market and development, the attempt to control youth.

The association between the process of eradicating slavery and the political use of theater, in the late nineteenth century, by abolitionist militants to debate Brazilian society, will be the fundamental center of this thesis. Starting from the premise that theater was an important space for political action and an environment of social imagination about the future of the country, I will analyze part of the dramaturgical production of engineer Sílio Boccanera Júnior and poet Alexandre Fernandes. Mixing light theater with moralizing inspiring humor, my main hypothesis is that the authors, along with other theater literati, took the politicization of theatrical space to the years after the Golden Law and the beginning of the Republic, in order to convince other sectors about the country's trajectory: education and art as a means of “civilizing” the “new” citizens. For this, the authors used humor and racial marking on stage, in various ways, as a weapon to defend their project on the future of the nation. However, the reactions of the audience went beyond expectations, pointing out how the polysemy of the performances, the complexity of the theatrical scene and the diversity of the audience, put different understandings on the social roles of the subjects represented and their contributions to the brazilian republic.

The thesis we present here intends to give visibility to the indigenous presence in the historical formation of the Recôncavo da Bahia beyond the first moments of colonization, having as an interpretative key or guiding line the experiences and historical processes experienced by indigenous groups in the reconstruction of their worlds. Through the inquisitorial, missionary and administrative sources, we look beyond the domains of Jaguaripe and give place to the other sanctities – in the Orobó hinterland, in Paripe, in Sergipe do Conde, in Matoim and even in Cachoeira – and follow the tracks of their permanence and relocation in the 17th century. Following traces left in the inquisitorial documentation and in the trails of the New Indigenous History, we can think of Holiness not only as a movement or event of rebellion, we understand it as a historical experience for the reconstruction of their worlds and reinvention of their freedoms. The investigation of inquisitorial sources and the survey of new sources allowed us to reassess the dimensions of the anti-catechesis project undertaken by the indigenous sanctities, as well as the very limits of the Jesuit enterprise of catechizing and converting the Gentiles. From the indigenous political action that linked to the religious challenged the foundations of Christian colonization, we launched a new look at the Tupinambá religion, its propagation and adherence in 16th and 17th century Bahia.

This dissertation aims to understand and analyze the process of insertion of Jörn Rüsen’s
theoretical thought on the research field in Brazil. We aim to elaborate a “sociology of works”
as a starting point to understand its “social place” on western historiography, as well as in
Brazilian historiography. For that purpose, we researched Brazilian scientific journals that
published Rüsen’s work as a theoretical reference, we realized an analysis of the author’s own
texts and paratexts, tracing a timeline of translations and of the use of said works amongst
Brazilian researchers. Being the most widely used theoretical line in our research, we also
examine the definition of the didactics of history in the German and Brazilian perspectives,
outlining proximities and distinctions. As a way of understanding why Rüsen’s theory has
been so well received in Brazil, we did a series of interviews with important Brazilian
translators, commentators and publishers. In regards to the interviews, we perceived highly
convergent dialogue among translators and promoters of Rüsen’s work in Brazil, indicating a
lowly critical reception in regards to this author’s theory. With respects to the academic
production of our researchers and the significant number of theses and dissertations (stricto
sensu) that were produced and published between the years of 2010 and 2017, focused on
Rüsen’s didactics of history, we realized a thematic and object of research evaluation, also
considering geographical location. In this sense we will give continuity to a historiography of
analysis of Rüsen’s thought already present in our research, with the aim of contributing to
new updates and reflections on the field.

This study sought to analyze the trajectory of the descendant of an Agudá family, Maxwell Porfírio de Assumpção Alakija in Salvador during Brazil’s First Republic. A “colored man”, born in Lagos- Nigeria, Maxwell decided to settle in Salvador around 1898. In the capital of Bahia, he earned, a degree in law and worked as both a lawyer and an English teacher. In his trajectory in the city, the African lawyer built a wide network with people of various as evidenced by lawyer fought against racism and social inequalities in the city; his letters of protest against color prejudice, his leadership in the Beneficent Society of Rural Workers (Sociedade Beneficente dos Lavradores), and his English teaching to illiterate machinist apprentices. These political practices showed his concern with the structural problems facing the black population and the poor in the capital of Bahia during the first decades of the 20th century.

The object of this dissertation is the construction of gatunage as a crime and social problem from the perspectives of the press, police and science. The objective of this research is to address the mechanisms of production of criminal identification in Salvador in the first decades of the 20th century. The main sources are newspaper reports about the subjects who were accused of being "gatunos". Through the pages of the newspapers, photographs and interviews with suspects, news about theft, and the criminological debates of the Society of Forensic Medicine and Criminology circulated in a context in which crimes and criminals became objects of public theme. As well as the reports of the first years of operation produced by the Bureau of Identification and Statistics, founded in 1911 as a department of the structure of the Secretariat of Security. The function of the Bureau of Identification and Statistics was to provide civil, criminal, and passport identification documents and to produce crime statistics, in addition to assisting police investigations. The creation of the Identification and Statistics Office was part of a broad police reform adopted by the Bahian government, which intended to give a scientific and technical character to police institutions, culminating also in the creation of the Civil Guard in 1912 and the Police School in 1916.

This dissertation analyzes the functioning of the system of redistribution of African and Creole enslaved to the hinterlands of the captaincy of Bahia during the second half of the eighteenth century. Through the analysis of a set of passport guides covering the shipments of captives traded from the City of Bahia (Salvador) to the domestic market of Portuguese America, this study seeks to understand how the supply of African slave markets present in the countryside of Bahia was accomplished through redistribution process operationalized by multiple commercial agents. Traversing the main sertanejo routes (occasional and regular agents) or taking captive groups (traders of the Bahian market square), such agents were responsible for the execution of small tasks, which were responsible for the transfer of significant sums of enslaved to the Sertões of the eighteenth century Bahia. Thus, from the analysis of passport records dated 1752-1772 and 1778-1798, from the existing documentary series for the period, along with the access to the transatlantic slave trade database, it is the aim of this study to understand redistribution as an extension of the transatlantic enslaved trade, paying special attention to the activities of the mercantile agents, who are responsible for connecting the hinterlands of Bahia to the Atlantic slave mercantile system through internal trafficking, understood here as the last Atlantic route.

The present work “Reconciling interests: political-market relations between the Portuguese, Chinese and Japanese in the China Sea (XVI-XVII) aims to analyze the political issues existing between China Ming and Japan and Portuguese commercial mediation. The main points for this study were established as information by the Sinic and Japanese documents, as well as Portuguese, and by the use of a specialized bibliography both in Asian and Iberian issues. The chronological cut starts just before the arrival of the Lusitanians at the Canton fairs in 1519 until their expulsion from the Japanese archipelago in 1640 and the final end of the Macau-Nagasaki route. The discussion is based on the analysis of the Chinese government's coastal policies and the commercial prohibitions imposed on the Japanese neighbor, weakened by internal conflicts. Both China and Japan depend heavily on maritime trade for the economic and social development of their territories. Japan imported a good part of the products found in sinic, while it exported something of extreme importance to China Ming, silver. With the constant prohibitions of maritime trade, the two countries were unable to get what they wanted, then a third group emerges that solves these issues: the Portuguese. Since then, there have been more than 100 years of conciliation of interests between these three elements that, during the studied period, transformed Southeast Asia into one of the most profitable points in the Portuguese Empire.

Given the nineteenth-century political landscape, demands for civil rights guarantees for non-
Catholic people were a hot topic in the discussions that appeared in the newspapers and in the speeches of politicians in the Brazilian Parliament. Protestant groups, the main beneficiaries of

these rights, had for a long time at first spread the idea that the Imperial State voluntarily opened its
doors to them, creating a myth of origin that was long considered the starting point of several
studies of Protestantism in the Brazil. In this paper, the objective is to question this idea and,
through the speeches given by intellectuals of the period, show the dilemmas that involved religious
freedom, freedom of worship, immigration, “modernization” of the country and immigration, as
well as discuss how it was not, by no means, a consensus on the belief in the improvement of the
country through the importation of non-Catholic European immigrants, the permanence of slavery
as a model of labor relations and the daily debate that mixed the secular and spiritual powers.

In this study, we analyzed the work experiences of the Xukuru do Ororubá in the agroindustry in Pesqueira/PE, between the 1940s and 1960s, as farmers, fruit suppliers and workers in industries installed in that municipality, especially at Fábrica Peixe. We think about the theoretical and methodological paths based on the reports 
of oral memories of the indigenous people, and a diversity of documentary and bibliographic records whose focuses and approaches dialogued or discussed about the presence of the indians and other social subjects in the worlds of work, adding to the studies and research in the fields of Social and Environmental History. In our 
analyzes, we also seek to highlight the environmental changes that have occurred in the Serra do Ororubá, where the Xukuru inhabit, due to the actions of cattle ranchers and industrialists, given the diversity of natural resources destined, mainly, to industrial developments. As an example, we list the extensive areas deforested for 
the monoculture of tomatoes, used in the manufacture of pulps, extracts and other types of canned products. The time frame was based on the reports of memories of the Xukuru do Ororubá indians about the living environment and work experiences in the agro-industry, in the mid-1940s. And the final period of our analysis, in the early 
1960s, is related to the strategy adopted, at the time, by the directors of Indústrias Peixe for maintenance of activities, with the so-called “Partnership System”, motivating the replacement of temporary salaried work and an increase in the exploitation of labor in the region. With the research carried out, we seek to expand knowledge about the indians in the History of the Northeast, from the perspective of the Xukuru do Ororubá themselves, and also to contribute to the discussions and analyzes that show the protagonism of the indians in the History of Pernambuco.

This thesis presents important aspects of the labor environment in Brazil between 1880 and 1905. By unveiling complexities and nuances, it contributes to the historiography of labor and laborers in Brazil at a time in its history when discussions about free and enslaved labor were so animated. This theme is quite broad, but this thesis is not so ambitious as to try to cover the topic in its entirety. Rather, a methodology was adopted in order to focus the discussion by prioritizing sources produced by Englishmen in Brazil. These sources show peculiarities and complexities of rural labor relations little known or debated. Thus, it aims to present the British perspective on the worlds of labor in Brazil by analyzing their different points of view on such a complex topic, as well as discussing their participation in these same working environments which they not only observed, but also experienced and wrote about at times. Using journals, travel reports, and consular documentation, their recorded experiences made it possible to surmise their singular perspective as foreign on their adopted labor environment in Brazil. They expressed their opinions on the enslavement of African people and their descendants, and they criticized free workers in the interior of the country and also many of their own countrymen. They worked alongside Brazilians, likewise they hired enslaved, freed, or free laborers according to their own convenience. At long last, they wrote about what they saw and experienced, albeit sometimes with their own eyes, and sometimes with those of the British Empire. 

The purpose of this dissertation is to study the activities of merchants named dry and wet
shopkeepers in the city of Salvador, from 1750 to 1808. The research sought to discuss the
mercantile activities developed by them, their articulations within the colonial economy. In
any case, we must consider certain elements that are conducive to our analysis, for example,
what would be their strategies to seek credit, receive and pay debts, diversify their economy
and dynamize the trading venues. In this way, we analyze the merchandise of the stores and
sales, showing that there are differences in types and prices, allowing them to be observed
within the hierarchical conditions of colonial society, causing sales to be turned more towards
the consumption of the poor and the stores serving more to residents of the intermediate
sectors. In addition, we have outlined a profile of these merchants, which we found working
in the military regiments, acquiring the main court dress and chairs of arruar. We will see how
shopkeepers and sellers were inserted in the middle social stratum, were not included in the
group of the most subscribed dealers in the Capitania. The documentation used to analyze
these merchants was the inventories and wills present in the Public Archive of the State of
Bahia.

This work deals with traffickers who engaged in internal slave trade in the province of
Bahia between 1840 and 1880. The internal slave trade dates back to the 18th century,
and was responsible for sending enslaved Africans to explore gold within the Empire.
However, with the end of the illegal smuggling of Africans in 1850, the internal slave
trade was the only one responsible for the supply of labor necessary for production in the
coffee farms of the South. In this context, enslaved people left the province of Bahia ,
through internal slave traders who mobilized extensive commercial networks. This traffic
was very lucrative, internal traffickers were embedded in different branches of commerce
and industry and certainly the capital of traffic boosted its business. In Bahia, Salvador
was an important city in this commercial transit. This work deals with internal traffic
through the records of Passport Issues and deeds of purchase and sale of slaves from the
parish of Sé, in Salvador, between the years 1840-1880.

The impacts of long years in democratic rupture in Brazil have aroused considerable interest in contemporary historical studies. In turn, the possibilities of sources brought by the New Political History have often been applied in the course of building about this "past". We deepened the studies about the Brazilian civil-military dictatorship, through the autobiography, the oral history, the intimate and personal records and official documents of repressive origin. We are put in touch with the trajectory of Albertina Rodrigues, a woman from Bahia with one artistic soul, life companion of Nelson Pires, who had Her life crossed by unfolding of the 1964 coup. She was student of Fine Arts, Her artistic performances were marks in Her daily routine, even when she acted in the student movement and in the armed battles being arrested and tortured in Rio de Janeiro. She was the Enemy of the State, the "option" for hiding and exile, that's all She had left to stay alive, breaking Her own barriers, endure hardship faced in exile and face away from the distance of His son in another country were challenges to be fulfilled in the (re) discovery of Herself. Thus, upon hearing the call of Albertina, We will be near to one of the female voices that rebelled against the repression and in defense of democracy, realizing the subjective and gender issues that permeated this route. Thus, it becomes a voice rising and shows how the representations of the past may have marks left by the political situation in Brazil at least until 1985.

This dissertation aims to analyze the usage of social, material and symbolical distinctiveness elements by families linked to the imperial bureaucracy for strengthening and maintaining the social status quo from the point of view of the studies of the material culture of XIX century Bahia. Furthermore, we investigate how the changes in style and usage of the aforementioned material culture are directly related to the practicing of sociability, to the socio-cultural dynamics and to the mobilization of power symbols constructed in the daily game of the period hereby discussed. The purpose here is to locate the artifacts historically into their context of making and usage in the houses of the eight-hundreds Bahia elites, in an attempt to understand the reason for which they endured the times and the process of their singling out in the cultural centers of the city of Salvador in Bahia as symbols associated with national representation. As such, we chose and examined objects kept in the following museums of Salvador: the Art Museum of Bahia (MAB), the Carlos Costa Pinto Museum (MCCP) and the Academy of Letter Arts of Bahia (ALB) for the specificity of the research proposition. The reading of this material culture's iconography disclosed possible strategies of the owners for the materialization of the social distinction through the objects, and, therefore, served as a guideline for a reading on the sociability networks among the elites of the Second Reign (1841-1889) Bahia, this study's frame. It is an analysis that joins sources of different character, useful to locate and understand the historicity of these artifacts that stand out of context in these centers of memory and, out of that, construct a historical interpretation on the meaning of their usage in the houses and tables of the elites in the Brazilian society at the time. We have seen how the houses and tables of the eight-hundreds Bahia performed an important role in the pedagogical orientation of the meanings and the carrying out of the social practices that contributed to the strengthening of the cohesion of the elites in the Brazilian empire under the cloak of Dom Pedro II. 

This work aims to analyze the trajectory of Nelson Soares Pires between the years 1964 to 1979, from the civil-military coup, having as main focus his legal struggle to retire as a professor at UFBA, process nº 30/66 which culminated in his conviction on February 27, 1970 and his subsequent exile from 1970 to 1979. The work will try to show how his persecution took place inside the Faculty of Medicine, and the details of the process brought by the State, in the criminal sphere, which it dragged on for 6 years, and it was full of errors and legal maneuvers that postponed the outcome of the verdict. I will also demonstrate his journey in exile in Chile, Portugal and Spain that culminated in his return in 1979, benefited by the Amnesty Law. 

In this dissertation we deal with the possibilities presented to the colored population in the context of post-abolition. For that, we used as a lens the trajectory of the first black doctor at the Bahia Medical School, Maria Odília Teixeira. We discuss the access of women to higher education in Brazil; study possibilities for women of color; the development of the careers of medical pioneers; and the dimensions of marriage for these pioneers. Thus, we realized that the post-abolition period was the scene of several tensions that involved racial and gender issues, in which women became central players in the changes and struggles that the early twentieth century presented.

This work purpose is to analyze the gambling in Salvador in the end of the 19th and the first decades of the 20th centuries. The starting point is the 1890's Brazilian Penal Code and the end is the year of 1920, when rules against gambling changed. The main documents used in this work are the Salvador newspapers, mainly the Diário de Notícias. The newspapers allow us to study the city and its workers daily routine, as well as to examine the arguments used against gambling. The press tried to blame workers for all the city’s gambling problems, usually poor and black men and women from the working class. The newspapers demanded police attention, requesting repressive actions. We discussed how the problems related to gambling were more profound, having to do not only with recreation control. The gambling was a new element who was part of the entertainment market in the new Brazilian Republic and the repression against it involved discussions about what was considered the real work after the recent abolition of slavery.

With the constitution of the field of History teaching, in the 1970s, legitimacy for teaching
practice was created. No longer seen as a technique, it started to be studied as a space of
knowledge; one of the results of the new stance came with the creation of laws and guidelines
to improve it. The research aimed to analyze how the teaching practice, affirmed by the National
Curriculum Guidelines for the Formation of Teachers of Basic Education, in 2001, was
implemented in the History course of the Federal University of Bahia, in 2008. With the Law
of Guidelines and Bases of National Education - Law No. 9394/96 there were 300 hours
available for teaching practice, updated in 2001, by the National Curriculum Guidelines for the
Training of Basic Education Teachers for 800 hours (400 hours for Practice as a Curricular
Component and 400 hours for Supervised Curricular Internship). We will show how the
disputes in the field of history teaching for legitimacy conformed in the curriculum of the
Federal University of Bahia and how the 800 hours were implemented in the reform. The
distribution of the workload showed how the subjects who worked on the curriculum dealt with
the legislation, with their concepts of teaching practice and training of history professionals.
The changes did not happen automatically, but were influenced by an existing concept.
Analyzing teaching practice is necessary to reflect the possible arrangement of the History
course at the Federal University of Bahia. Adopted positions were observed through the
Course's Pedagogical Project and the subjects' menu. Although the curriculum emphasized the
importance of teacher education, there was a traditional view of teaching practice. We started
the dissertation with the creation of the first universities and History courses, and as a
dissatisfaction and constitution of the field of History teaching in the redemocratization
unfolded. We finished with the analysis of the Law of Guidelines and Bases of National
Education and of the National Curriculum Guidelines for the Formation of Teachers of Basic
Education and how they were presented in the curriculum of the History course of the Federal
University of Bahia, in 2008.

This research aims to analyze the credit practices in the village of Ilhéus in the first half of the
Eight Hundred, as well as their agents and the financial networks present in the economic and
social dynamics of that town. From this perspective, the study proposes to understand, from
credit, the various strategies used by the residents of Ilhéus to obtain goods and capital in a
period of monetary scarcity and in a place considered as poor and isolated from the
commercial circuit, according to part from the specialized bibliography. The empirical basis
of this research is the database of scriptures, powers of attorney, as well as ecclesiastical land
records, wills, and; the post-mortem inventories of the main loan officers in that village.
These sources have revealed considerable cash circulation through spot purchases and sales of
urban, rural, enslaved and commercial real estate. In addition, the documentation studied
shows an important credit market involving people from different social categories, ranging
from large landowners, small farmers, merchants, individuals holding public office, and even
enslaved. It was also possible to realize that interpersonal relationships of friendship,
cronyism, marriage and mutual help were fundamental for an individual to obtain goods and
capital. From the analysis of the post-mortem inventories of the characters that most acted in
the deeds of purchase or sales in sight or in installments, we could infer that there was an elite
of lenders in the locality and that these men were able to set up credit networks that crossed
the borders of the time. Ilhéus village. Thus, it was possible to state that Ilhéus in the period in
focus was living a time of gradual development, having as its basic elements credit, land
speculation and production of sugar, spirits, foodstuffs and cocoa, the last product that
transformed the future city of Ilhéus in one of the main cities of Bahia in the late nineteenth
century and throughout the twentieth century.

Lampião da Esquina was a journal published between April 1978 and July 1981 on the Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo axis. Developed by an intellectualized group of homosexual men, it rolled 38 editions, the first to being distributed throughout Brazil, and to foster debates and social movements about dissident sexualities in the country. Overtly opinionated, these men sought to approach homosexualities politically. The Lampião da Esquina was a deviant newspaper and his postures offers us some ways that lead to the objective of this work. It seeks to investigate Lampião's relations with the homosexual movements that appear in its pages. To this end we evaluate their editions giving evidence of dissident sexualities and their different forms of moral repression, due to the censorship mechanisms of military governments. Therefore, we investigate its pages giving evidence to the dissident sexualities and their different forms of moral repression, due to the censorship mechanisms of the military governments. Besides, to debate about the displacements and sophistication of discourses and instruments used to persecute the protagonist groups of this dissertation. Through its trajectory, it was analyzed the links of Lampião links with some journals close to a traditional heteronormative left. It sought to investigate, as well, the debates of minority movements present in its time, as well about disputes over political projects for the homosexual movement, of which our homoerotic journal was one of the main articulators and protagonists. Lastly, its opinions on the political organization of homosexuals by analyzing three sections of the journal: Opinião, Ativismo and Cartas na Mesa, investigating of the newspaper's postures and silences, presenting the confluences and contradictions.

This thesis has as an objective to analyze the trajectory of the group Jovens Unidos do Calabar (JUC), neighborhood movement from Salvador - Bahia, from years 1977 to 1985. In these studies, we seek to comprehend the juvenile protagonism during the formation process of Calabar‟s neighborhood movement. The trajectory of the JUC group is an important instrument to think of social fights that were taken on by residents from popular neighborhoods of Salvador, in a period of political distension in the Brazilian military dictatorship. The conscience over the space occupied by juveniles in the city, conceived within the context of popular movements from Salvador, the influence of sectors of the Catholic Church and their own day-to-day experiences in the community and concerning the city allowed the juveniles from Calabar to create partnership networks, with social and political organizations, which dynamized the fight of the community in the neighborhood. In the development of these studies, we utilized as historical sources: regulations, institutional certificates, statutes, meeting minutes, letters, correspondences, releases, brochures, photographs, census, community newspapers, trade press newspapers and oral sources. From the analysis of those historical records, we understand that Calabar‟s neighborhood movement was conceived within a process of fighting for equipments and collective common goods, and also for housing rights. In other words, the right to the city. We comprehend Calabar‟s neighborhood movement, experienced between the years 1970 to 1980, as a landmark in the process of construction of Calabar‟s residents‟ identity.

In this study, I recreate the experience of free, freed and enslaved black women as they struggled for legal freedom for themselves, for their sons and daughters and for other members of their families and the black community in Feira de Santana between 1871 and 1888. To this end, documents such as actions of freedom, baptism and death certificates, letters of freedom, and inventories, requests and receipts for purchase and sale of enslaved people, were analyzed. Applying a quantitative and qualitative approach, the traces left by these women along the way, in addition to those of people associated with them, were compared. In this way, it was possible to understand that, regardless of the intersectional class, gender and race oppressions suffered, black women were central figures in the struggle for legal freedom. The comparison of these documents allowed us to perceive that the specificities of female slavery influenced their choices for this type of freedom. Although in the majority of cases, their voices could only be heard via those of other people, such as the public defenders who represented them in the judicial hearings, their actions resonated in the evaluations and concerns of the authorities, of the slave owning class and of members of the abolitionist movement both at the national and international level. 

This study discusses free-women’s strategies of work and living at Lençóis, Bahia, during the 1840’s and 1850’s decades. Manly based on juridical and notarial sources as well on census, ecclesiastical and administrative papers it seeks to explore the meanings of female agencies on behalf of their own insertion, participation, freedom and progress onto a society characterized by male power as that one developed by mining-work at the Chapada Nova, central region of Bahia. The historical narrative presented in this work was made through a dialogue with historiography of Brazilian mining-areas emerged until 19th century second half – especially those about Minas Gerais –, also with studies about history of women, Brazilian Court and other regions of colonial Atlantic world. This study shows that the women from Lençóis used their labor and developed other kinds of agencies as base to create ways to escape from poverty, as well from the sets of a slavery society and the oppression founded on color and sex differences. By this turn, those women achieved distinct material and immaterial improvements. At last is assumed in this study that the women got able to push boundaries and conquer spaces to live by their agencies, boosting the social and economic dynamic of Chapada’s region. 

In the course of this work, we analyze how the main features of Anglo-Saxon geopolitical thinking were represented in the plot of the following strategy games: Victoria II, Colonial Conquest, Supreme Ruler Ultimate and US and Them. In order to draw an analysis of the development of the major strategy literature produced in the USA, we study the classics of geopolitics written by Alfred Mahan, Halford Mackinder, George Frost Kennan and Zbigniew Brzezinski. Our study was based on the hypothesis that electronic games are important advertising and entertainment instruments, with great popular appeal today, which receive direct and indirect influence from the canons' reflections of the American and English geopolitics. To unravel how the relationship between militarism and entertainment was established, we discussed how the military entertainment complex contributed to the genesis of electronic games and was constituted as a concept that exemplifies the symbiotic relationship between the two industries. We also reflect on how games lack a methodological tool which could facilitate the work of historians when working with such sources. In the research process we not only analyze the games and the originals of these authors, but also use as primary sources game development diaries, trailers, teasers, game site content, testimonials, specialized publications, developer diaries and official documents from the US State Department and other government agencies 

The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the history and memories of the exile of Brazilians in Chile, between 1964 and 1973, and how the so-called “Chilean way to socialism” impacted the strategies of Brazilian groups exiled in that country as well as their decision to return to Brazil or stay in Chile. Based on bibliographic and archive research, in addition to oral sources obtained with Brazilians exiled in Chile and also Chileans who lived with Brazilians in exile in that country, this work shows that the exiles’ profile was mostly formed by militants from the middle class. However, among the interviewees, there was a worker from São Paulo who arrived in Chile with the 70 banished people, in January 1971. It was also possible to analyze the insertion of these exiles in the Chilean political dynamics, their militancy within the left political parties, mainly in the Chilean Communist Party (PCCh), the Chilean Socialist Party (PS) and the Revolutionary Left Movement (MIR), as well as their active participation in the Socialist government project of the Popular Unity. Furthermore, Brazilian exiles have also integrated themselves into national and international academic and research institutions, such as the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (CEPAL), the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences (FLACSO) and the Center for Socioeconomic Studies (CESO), among others. Regarding Brazilian security agencies, the monitoring that the Brazilian military government has maintained on exiles in Chile is analyzed, through the Foreign Information Center (CIEX), an organization that worked under the auspices of the Itamaraty and the National Service of Information (SNI). The Brazilian exiles in Chile experienced the coup d'état in Chile, on September 11, 1973, which overthrew the constitutionalist government of Salvador Allende and truncated the experience of the Chilean way to socialism, a circumstance that led the exiles in Chile to seek asylum in UN embassies and refuges and, subsequently, to leave for a second exile in Europe, Africa and Latin America.

Abstract
The present dissertation analyzed the processes of delegation in the Promoter’s Notebooks of the Court of the Inquisition of Lisbon, XVII. The request was a sexual and/or loving practice which happened among religious confessors and penitents into the sacramental confessionary during the confession. This practice was considered a crime of inquisitorial jurisdiction due to growing concern about the sacrament of confession, especially since the Council of Trent. Into this Council, an internal reform of the Catholic Church was projected and it was deposited on the clerics the responsibility for the maintenance of the Catholic Order, therefore, we had a greater concern about the moralization of the clerical institution. In this sense, an ideal of clerical masculinity was produced, which we sought to analyze in this paper. Through the request records, the Promoter’s Notebooks also reproduced stereotypes of masculinities and femininities. In this way, we seek to map and analyze how the documentation or didn‟t determined the spots and the social functions of the masculinized and feminized individuals through the request cases. The Inquisition is emphasized, putting highlights on the activities and speeches of the court that served the interests of the Church, but also of the State. We hope to contribute for the construction of a Relational and Institutional History of the Gender, from this research on the requesting practices having the subject as category of analysis.

This dissertation aims to study the interior missions carried out by the Society of Jesus in the archbishopric of Bahia between 1700 and 1752, in order to understand the process of control of the individuals´ behavior implemented by the Church in the Portuguese America. Based on the notion of social discipline, this work investigates the role played by itinerant missionaries Jesuits in the action developed by the Catholic Church that had the intention of internalizing a set of norms into the colonial population. Much attention was paid to the dialectical aspect of the idea of disciplining, and for this purpose, the constant negotiations and adjustments demanded by the colony and the population´s reality were analyzed. It can be seen, from the analysis of documents about Jesuit missionary action, mainly the Annual Letters, that the itinerant missions were extremely relevant for the religious assistance of the population that lived at the Recôncavo and Sertões of Bahia. Jesuits took the words of the Gospel to the residents who did not have the regular presence of a priest or a missionary and who feared for the damnation of their souls. The itinerant missionaries also had the role of framing those who did not know the precepts of the Catholic religion, or those who knew the Catholic doctrine but, by choice, did not follow them.

This work aims to study the memories of ex-student activists who were at the University of Bahia, currently the Federal University of Bahia, between the years of 1960 and 1965. It is sought, through the method of Oral History, to problematize the act to recall the deponents, from a construction that ends in the present. The research points to some results that emerged from interviews with these men and women, and it is possible to examine two themes that surround their memories, considering the historical context in which they lived. The first one refers to the presence of the national developmental imagination as a motivating element for student activism. The second, more particularized, express the moments that acted in the ME, to narrate general pictures about the years that followed the dictatorial military period. Thus, this research shows that the former student activists read the past through new political, social and daily positions assumed in the present, conforming a history of the period next to historiographical readings already made by academics, journalists and literati. To question the construction of memory and the history of the moment of the pre- and post-coup of 1964, poses itself as a great challenge for us to move forward, because we try to demonstrate how much the oral report can confirm, advance or correct versions already crystallized by own historiography, constituting itself in new (re) readings of the real and its representation.

The present work is dedicated to the analysis of the disputes for position in the Empire’s
juridical-administrative structure, in Macaúbas village, São Francisco backwoods, and its
connections between the local, provincial and central politics between the years 1878 and 1880.
The disputes occurred at a time of political change in Brazil, when the Liberal Cabinet ascended
with the incubation of carrying out electoral reform. These conflicts were initially motivated by
layoffs and nominations made from liberal politics in the province of Bahia, especially in the
administrative and police department. Furthermore, they placed on the ground the rivalries
between the local partiality, liberal and conservative, unleashing a picture of political instability
that compromised the police and legal functions in that term. We examine the role of state
agents in the São Francisco backwood, especially regarding their relations and political
insertions and how this was done in the exercise of their functions. We have identified that such
agents were between politics and state structure, sometimes establishing relations without
obvious distinction between the public and private spheres, so their interests sometimes
overcame the interests of the provincial and central government, compromising jurisdiction in
that area. We further privilege the analysis of the discourses produced on the events, both by
the authorities, through reports, correspondence and speeches, as well as by the press.
Keywords: Politics; Disputes for position; Jurisdiction; São Francisco backwood; Macaúbas

Francisco Agostinho Gomes worked in the political, economic and intellectual
backstage of the Capitania and, later, Province of Bahia throughout his life. However,
there are few systematic studies and gaps about his trajectory in historiography. It is
intended here to glimpse the political and intellectual trajectory of Francisco Agostinho
Gomes, inserting it in the context of political transformations that agitated Bahia in the
last decades of the XVIII century until the consolidation of the Brazilian Imperial Order.
It is also intended to discuss the literary activities of this intellectual, his publications
and experience as a journalist at the head of the "Jornal da Sociedade de Agricultura,
commercio e Industria da Provincia da Bahia" (1832-1836), as well as evaluate his

fortune and economic insertion in Bahia. The character was one of the Portuguese-
Brazilian illustrators who worked in the Portuguese Empire, between the second half of

the eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth century, to emerge a new order
of things influenced by Portuguese illustrated reformism, aligned with their interests
and with those of the Portuguese Crown. He has been at the forefront of several projects
aimed at improving public education, economics, commerce, agriculture, industry and
science in Portuguese America, such as, among others, the Public Library of Bahia and
the Society of Agriculture, Commerce and Industry of the Province from Bahia. After
more than a century and a half, his life and writings remain scarcely visible. His
political, journalistic and philosophical work deserves to be recovered, before it is
finally lost. The study of its political and intellectual trajectory gives us a new
perspective on the social and economic dynamics of the Portuguese Empire, especially
of Bahia, in the reference period.

The objective of this dissertation is to make an analysis of the relations and conditions of
dependent work maintained between clerks and employers in the city of Salvador between
1875 and 1889. In addition, it aims to point out how collective associations have been
important for organizing these workers, forging an identity of office, providing aid and , to the
extent that the context allowed, to insinuate itself by the guarantee of rights. It is argued,
therefore, that although labor relations were permeated by paternalistic practices and the
associations of clerks maintained close clientelistic ties with employers and other sectors of
the soteropolitan elites, it is possible to perceive the political agency of these workers in the
defense or guarantee of their interests.

Abstract: This study focuses on the preparations, development and the representation of the State of Bahia in three exhibits held in the years 1908, 1922 and 1923. The first took place in Rio de Janeiro, as part of the National Commemorative Exposition of the Centenary of the Opening of the Ports to Friendly Nations. The second occurred in 1922, with a preparatory exhibit in Salvador and the main event in Rio de Janeiro, included in the Independence Centenary International Exposition or the Brazil World Expo. The third was held in 1923 in Salvador, the capital of the State of Bahia, and was given the name Exposition of the True Emancipation by its organizers, as it commemorated the Centenary of the Independence of Bahia. Based on the universal expos held since the 19th century, the exhibits were used as propaganda to promote the values of bourgeois society, and to establish and promote commercial ventures. The emphasis in the three events is on the way in which Bahia is represented in order to identify and evaluate, through the optics of the expositional bias, the functioning of the state within the context of the conjuncture of the First Republic, based on text and iconographic sources to explore the mechanisms that sustained the dissemination of a modernizing ideology. The chapters analyze the material elements, such as the characteristics of the Bahia Pavilion (1908), the natural or manufactured products included (1922) and/or reused (1923), and the narrative, discursive mechanisms of an historic, factual and civic nature presented in catalogs, periodicals and newspapers, showing the resources used to align Bahia with the ideals of the Republic. From the point of view of the social stratum participating in the events, emphasis is given to the contrast and the biased criteria used to select the subjects chosen to participate and those which were ignored. The conclusion reached is that the beauty of the exhibits, veritable festivals for the eyes, stands in stark contrast to the actual conditions inside the State of Bahia.

This doctoral thesis is a studyof African slavery and thetransatlantic slave trade in the City of Bahia, during the eighteenth century.It covers the period in which Bahia consolidated its presence on and made the Slave Coast in West Africa its main supplier of enslaved labor, from the end of the seventeen century, until the emergence of the Atlantic revolutions in the last decade of the eighteenth century, a series of transformations that ultimately reconfigured African slavery and the slave trade to the Americas. The slave trade has a privileged space in this research, it is threadthat binds all chapters together. In this way, it seeks to understand the adversity and the disputes involving business men in Lisbonand Salvador. It discusses the needed logistics for the Atlantic slave trade to unfold, mainly the composition of slave ship crews, as well as the construction and maintenance of such ships. Also discussed arethe structure of ownership and the profile of the slave owners in Bahia,demonstrating how the slave trade contributed to disseminate African slavery, transforming poor whites, freed persons and even slaves into slave masters. This work is based on a large volume of document stored in archivesin Brazil and Portugal or available online, which were produced by the colonial metropolitan administration, as well as parish, notarial, and probate records, among other source.

After the Oporto Revolution (1820), the province of Bahia experienced a new political dynamic. The old subject of the portuguese Empire, elevated to the condition of citizen, happened to enjoy the blessings provided by the constitutional liberalism. In the political exercise of their rights and duties, based on the Constitutional Bases elaborated by the Lisbon Cortes, and reflecting on a set of concepts scanned by the Political Catechism that circulated in Salvador, the Portuguese citizen began to suggest changes and to question old problems that afflicted the society. The profusion of forms and manuscripts, and the discursions aroused from the publicity of its contents, favored the expansion of this participation. Moreover, the critical look of the citizen on the political projects defended by the majority of the Portuguese congressmen, that resulted in the formation of distinct parties in the province, contributed to the aggravation in the tensions. It is important to emphasize that, in principle, the struggle for Brazilian independence was linked to the maintenance of the unity of the portuguese Empire, supported by the principle of parity of rights. However, this initial desire has undergone a turning point since the proposal of construction of the new social pact came to be perceived as an obscure project of recolonization. From then on, the option for the rupture, under the auspices of prince dom Pedro, became a path with no return. In any case, the linking of the province of Bahia to this circuit of change has resulted in a series of changes – political, economic, social and cultural. Finally, in the light of the foregoing, I argue that the study of the literate culture in Bahia (1821-1823), based on the analysis of the experience of Brazilian independence, will be able to broaden the perception about the historical process that resulted in the separation of the brother kingdoms. I believe that this historical approach will produce answers that explain the relations established between the State and society in a liberal and constitutional context. The analysis and confrontation of various sources – primary and secondary – in Brazilian and Portuguese archives tends to contribute to the success of this endeavor.

This thesis aims to understand how the Pessôa family built and defended a political prestige,
associated with the construction of a family tradition, historically fed as a strategy for
maintaining the status quo, constituted as integral aspects of the configuration of family political
power in Paraíba between 1889 and 1942. This object of study was drawn from a series of
concerns arising from the interpretation of the sources and the literature that founded the
research. I have thus drawn my course from two sets of questions. In the first one, I try to
understand the creation and defense of prestige as a fundamental aspect for the configuration
of family political power. In the second order of questions, I try to perceive, parallel to the
creation and defense of prestige, how the Pessôa were inventing a family tradition as a strategy
for maintaining the status quo in the course of time. To answer them, two hypotheses are central
to the thesis. On the one hand, I argue that in parallel to the production of material life, the
economic apparatus and the kinship, the creation and defense of this prestige - understood as a
synonym of status -, crossed by the recurrence of a complex game of scene, founded and
effectiveness of the political power and influence of the family Pessôa in Paraíba during the
studied temporality. On the other hand, I defend that in the creation and defense of this prestige,
the Pessôa eventually invented a family tradition, claimed by its own promoters according to
the expectation of maintaining political power at the time when it showed signs of decline. In
the latter case, I think that inventing a family tradition was a family strategy for maintaining the
immaterial heritage - the prestige - of the Pessôa. These hypotheses are interconnected
historically throughout the time frame outlined and are based on the premise that the social
positions assumed by the characters I analyze have not been disconnected from their political,
economic and cultural activities, that is to say, separated from the field of practices and
representations, of gestures and behaviors, of reality and of their imaginary apprehension.

This thesis discusses the manumission of slaves in Barra do Rio Grande, a city in western
Bahia, from 1827 to 1888. It focuses on the participation, during the manumission
process, of some people that were neither slaves nor masters. The study, following the
steps of the social history of slavery, was elaborated based on the research of different
documents, mostly freedom actions (ações de liberdade) and letters of manumission
registered in the notary's book of the city of Barra. The chapters are guided by the
experiences of three slaves: Raimunda, Maria and Lucinda. Their stories allowed us to
address relevant aspects of slavery and freedom and especially the intervention of other
people in manumission. The work discusses the reasons why other people interfered in
the slave/master relationship, and also tries to understand general aspects of slavery and
freedom in that region.

The production of a homosexual collective identity and the organization of a militancy in
defense of homosexuality in Bahia in the 1970s and 1980s are the constituent elements of this
research. In this sense, this work has the objective to discuss how was the process of political
and cultural upheaval and formation of an organized gay movement in Salvador in the period
of political opening and democratization of the Brazilian State, 1978-1988, giving great
emphasis on performance of Grupo Gay da Bahia (GGB). For this, use is made of a literature
review on the theme, a document analysis (statutes, newsletters, books and pamphlets produced
by homosexual militants, newspapers of the time) that make up the narrative of that past, and
oral sources that through the analysis of speeches, reverberate throughout the range of
representations, practices and tensions involving these historical agents. The importance of the
approach also starts from the idea that the homosexual movement, through their performance,
displace a series of signifiers and meanings, as well as representations, attributed to lovers of
the same sex. Thus, it is more an attempt to set the issue of homosexuality in the historiography
of a prospective fight against practices and dominant heteronormative discourse in society.

The general purpose of this work is to analyze the religious experience in the Mangabeira grotto, in Ituaçu-Bahia, Chapada Diamantina, in the period 1900-1950, especially as regards devotion to the Sacred Heart of Jesus, to the pilgrimages and to the work of ecclesiastical agents in the course of their pastoral visits and missions undertaken in the region. The religious practices of Catholicism in Ituaçu, specifically those that form part of the period analyzed, are inserted in a larger context of profound changes in Brazil, considering here the proclamation of the Republic, the separation between Church and State and the end of the patronage. In this sense, we sought to analyze the character of devotion to the Sacred Heart of Jesus, the role of pilgrimages and to identify tensions and negotiations between social actors - clerics, pilgrims, devotees, missionaries of various religious orders and local residents - and the tactics used by them for the maintenance of local tradition. Therefore, it transits through orality - where individual and social subjects evoke the past, revealing memories that allow the historian the contact with experiences lived by a particular collectivity - by the written memorialistic sources and, finally, by the bibliographic sources produced in the locality , as well as records found in institutional and ecclesiastical archives of the municipality and the State of Bahia.

This dissertation proposed the study of the social dimension of the belligerent U-boats‘ actions on the coastline of the Brazilian states Sergipe and Bahia along the World War II. Based upon the reading of specialized literature, together with information stemming from primary sources and oral interviews, it was possible to notice the way that the Brazilian coastline was steadily integrated to the Battle of the Atlantic (1939-1945). With its outbreak for Brazilians, in August of 1942, the maritime areas adjacent to the port of Salvador started to be considered by the sailors of that time as one of the riskiest places for cabotage navigation in South America. The present investigation thus needed to vary the standards of the analysis scales, for, the beach, a marginal space par excellence, became the core place of this micro-historical investigation. What happened on the beach generated the monster-event for those living by the coast. The ―traces and remains‖ helped to understand the naval war‘s aura; in other words, the soldiers had the power to create belligerent images, and, therefore, bring closer what seemed to be distant: the Italian and the German submarines. From the methodological point of view, it was necessary to establish a dialogue with social sciences in order to develop a historical analysis based upon the material culture, aiming to understand the rescued remaining items of shipwrecks of the war as historical sources, or, as Walter Benjamin would say, ―in documents of barbarism‖. Because of that, it was necessary to develop an investigation which also comprehends the material culture, mainly regarding the social meanings of the so-called malafogados (which included the search for the remaining items of shipwrecks, social practice, collective memory, etc.), the coast dwellers‘ schemes of appropriation, the conflicts among the military and the civilians for the malafogados; the commercialization of objects in Aracaju. Therefore, the naval remains brought the aura of the World War II from the ocean to the social life of Brazilians. Because of that, the period from August 15, 1942, when the U-507 successive naval attacks started, through 1945, when the War in Europe, i.e., the political-military conjuncture that created the Battle of the Atlantic, ended, was adopted as a time frame. Even after the German capitulation, the Brazilian waters became an escape route for the U-boats, which carried Nazis to some South American coastal corners. There is still a lot of (un)sunk history in Brazilian coastline along the World War II, but there is a question left: -how long is it going to remain like that?

This work is to analyze the trajectory of the Communist Dissent of Guanabara and
Revolutionary Movement 8th October between 1966 and 1976. We seek to investigate the
formation, areas of operation and organization of the fight forms in the fight against the
military dictatorship . We have analyzed the dispute over the organization's direction through
the internal struggle which resulted in divisions and disagreements. The process of selfcriticism
and the repercussions on the MR-8 performance in the social movement. From
internal circulation of documents, newspapers of the organization and oral interviews present
this trajectory.